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THE RITUAL AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WINNEBAGO 

MEDICINE DANCE 



BY PAUL RADIN 



Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the 
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philo- 
sophy in the Faculty of Philosophy, 
Columbia University. 



Reprinted from The Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XXIV, No. XCH, 

April-June, 191 1 



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cm 



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TO THE MEMORY OF 

EVELYN R. BRESLER 



[Reprinted from The Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XXIV., No. XCII., 

April-June, 1911.] 



THE RITUAL AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WINNEBAGO 
MEDICINE DANCE 

BY PAUL RADIN 

CONTENTS 

Page 

A. Description of the Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance .... 149 
I. Organization of the Bands 150 

II. Prescribed Duties of the Bands 151 

III. Division of the Ceremony 153 

IV. Types of Component Elements of the Ceremony 154 

1. Types of Speeches 154 

2. Types of Songs 156 

3. Types of Action 156 

4. Types of Ritual 156 

V Ceremony as a Whole 161 

B. Description of the Ojibwa Mide'wtwtn 165 

C. Description of the Menominee Mide'wtwtn 167 

D. The Significance of the Ritual 168 

I. The Common Elements 168 

II. The Interpretation of the Common Elements — Schurtz's Theory .... 169 

III. The Shooting Ritual 175 

IV. The Initiation Ritual 179 

V. The General Ceremony 186 

VI. The Complete Ceremonial Complexes 188 

VII. Resume and Conclusion 198 

A. DESCRIPTION OF THE RITUAL OF THE WINNEBAGO MEDICINE 

DANCE 2 

The Medicine Dance is a society, admission into which is gained 
by purchase. The Winnebago suppose it to be a repetition of a 
ceremony originally instituted by the Rabbit, when he initiated the 
first man into its secrets. The society consists of five bands, which, 
during the ceremony, are known respectively as the Ancestor-Host's, 

2 The description of the ritual is based on material collected by me, and now in the 
possession of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The full description will appear as a 
memoir of the Bureau. 

vol. xxiv. — no. 92. — 11 149 



150 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

the East, North, West, and South Bands. These five bands are also 
known by the names of their leaders. Any band may act as host, 
and the position of the others in the lodge is dependent on the order 
in which they are invited by the band acting as host. It thus fellows 
that each band must know the entire ceremony of the society. 

I. Organization of the Bands. — For purposes of description it 
will be best to divide each band into three parts, — the leader, his two 
assistants, and the rest of the band. Leadership depends upon a 
thorough knowledge of the ceremony and its complete esoteric signifi- 
cance, which is in the possession of only one individual in each band. 
This knowledge can be obtained solely by purchase and religious quali- 
fications. These religious qualifications, to which might be added moral 
as well, play little part at the present day, but there can be no doubt 
that they were essential in the past. The leader likewise often pos- 
sessed other characteristics, such as those of warrior and shaman, 
but they were not essential for his position. 

The two assistants were generally men who had purchased sufficient 
information and privileges to entitle them to help the leader in certain 
details of the ceremony. The drummers, rattle-holders, dancers, etc., 
were always recruited from their ranks. Eventually they became the 
leaders. Those who were neither leaders nor assistants possessed a 
knowledge varying from that of elementary information, required for 
admission, to such as would entitle them to the position of assistant. 

There is a priority of position in the lodge depending on priority 
of invitation. The band invited first, occupies the east position; that 
invited second, the north; that invited third, the west; and that in- 
vited fourth, the south. The east is the position of highest honor; 
the south, that of the lowest. Between the bands, there exists an 
order of invitation based on tradition, the exact nature of which is 
unknown. According to one informant, if one band invited another, 
the latter in turn would be obliged to give it the position of honor; but 
as there are five bands, this can apply only to special cases. Whatever 
may be the order, it is certain that each band has ample occasion to 
occupy all five positions. 

There are two ways in which a man can join the Medicine Dance. 
He may simply apply for admission to any of the five leaders, or he 
may take the place of a deceased relative. In the former case, if 
his payment is satisfactory, and he has the other qualifications, he is 
accepted. In the other case, he or his relatives decide to have him 
take the place of a deceased relative. This latter form of candidacy 
is by far the commoner. At the present day, initiation requires the 
payment of about three hundred or four hundred dollars, in the form 
of goods and tobacco. Of this, a portion is given to the leader of the 
Ancestor-Host's Band during the Four Nights' Preparation, and the 
r est to the leaders of the other four bands during the ceremony proper. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 151 

Exactly how much information an individual obtains on entering, 
cannot be determined. This would depend on the amount of the 
payment. The minimum of knowledge would be an acquaintance 
with the bare externals of the ceremony, its general significance, and 
such knowledge of the legendary origin of the Lodge as a single recital 
could give. The new member is not initiated into the symbolism of 
the ritualistic myths, and consequently a large portion of the same 
must be unintelligible to him. What he obtains is practically only 
the right to hold the otter-skin bag and to use it in a certain way. 
He cannot take part in any of the forms of dancing or singing, nor 
can he even shoot at will. He very rarely remains in this condition 
long, but takes the first opportunity to purchase additional knowledge 
and privileges. 

There are three kinds of members, — mature men, women, and 
children. The privileges of women differ from those of the men, in 
that the women do not have to partake of the sweat-bath, may never 
become assistants, and are privileged to dance in a certain way. In 
other respects they have equal privileges with men. In practice, 
there are certain privileges that women never have, but this is due to 
the fact that either they do not care or they are not in a position 
to buy them. Children belong to a quite different category. Al- 
though they possess an otter-skin, they have not even the power of 
making it effective, and, in order to do so, must have it guided by 
some older member. There does not seem to be any evidence indicat- 
ing that women were ever excluded from membership. 

II. Prescribed Duties of the Bands. — The duties of the host, 
who is known as x'okera, 1 and whose band is called Minank'ara- 
k'onangire'ra, 2 are as follows: 

1. To rehearse the songs and rituals with his band four nights 
previous to the ceremony proper. At this rehearsal the candidate 
(ha"birok'aragu'-inera, literally " the one for whom they seek life ") is 
always present, and instructed in the ceremony. 

2. To send out invitation-sticks and tobacco to the leaders of the 
other four bands. The messengers are always his sisters' sons. 

3. To begin the Four Nights' Ceremony preceding the ceremony 
proper. 

4. To receive the leaders and assistants of the other four bands 
before the sweat-lodge ritual, and to begin the same. 

5. To begin the ceremony proper. 

'X'okg' means literally "root" or "ancestor." "Ancestor-host" will be used as its 
equivalent. 

2 This word means literally "he who puts himself in the place to benefit his relatives." 
The reference is to the Rabbit, who, at the first performance of the ceremony, acted as 
host and initiated his relatives; i. e., the human beings. 



152 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

6. To take part in the following portion of the ceremony proper. 

(a) To welcome the four bands. 

(b) To lead the candidate to the secret brush and instruct him in 
certain precepts. 

(c) To act as preceptor of the candidate before he is shot with the 
sacred shell. 

(d) To turn the candidate over to the charge of the leaders of the 
East and North Bands. 

(e) To relate certain of the myths. 

(/) To deliver certain speeches and to perform certain actions that 
constitute the basic ritual of the ceremony proper. This will be 
discussed later. 

The East Band is known as Tconi mina'ngera (Those-who-sit-first), 
Ha n p'ogu homina'ngere (Where-the-day-comes-f rom) , Wiayephu- 
regi (Where-the-sun-rises). All these terms are used frequently. 
The duties of the leader are — 

i. To assist the ancestor-host in passing upon the eligibility of a 
candidate. 

2. To take part in the following portions of the ceremony proper. 

(a) Accompanied by his two assistants, to take part in the brush 
ritual. 

(b) To take charge of the candidate after he has been handed over 
to him by the ancestor-host. 

(c) To shoot the sacred shell into the candidate's body. 

(d) To relate certain of the myths. 

(e) To perform the basic ritual. 

The North Band is known as Siniwagu mina'ngera (Where-the-cold- 
comes-from). The leader has the same duties as those of the East 
leader. The myths recited are of course different. 

The West Band is known as Wioi're mina'ngera (Where-the-sun-goes- 
down). The leader has the duty of reciting certain myths and per- 
forming the basic ritual. 

The South Band is known as Nanguojedja" minangera (He-who- 
sits-at-the-end-of-the-road) or Horotcu'fidjeregi (Where-the-sun- 
straightens). The duties of the leader are the same as those of the 
leader of the West Band, except that the myths he recites are 
different. 

The distribution of the gifts to the different bands is the following: 

The leader of the East Band receives one-half of the number of 
blankets, the upper half of the new suit worn by the candidate, and 
one-quarter of the food. 

The leader of the North Band receives one-half of the blankets, 
the lower half of the suit, the moccasins, and one-quarter of the food. 

The leaders of the West and South Bands receive each three yards 
and a half of calico and a fourth of the food. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 153 

The ancestor-host receives various gifts of food and tobacco from 
the leaders of the other bands. He receives his payment from the 
candidate before the ceremony proper. 

The candidate is present at the Four Nights' Ceremony of the 
ancestor-host's band preliminary to the ceremony proper. At the 
latter ceremony he sits to the right of the ancestor-host's band. He is 
not dressed in his new suit until after the secret ceremonies in the 
brush. 

There are facial decorations distinctive of the different bands. The 
host's band and the candidate paint a blue circle on each cheek, but 
its significance is unknown to me. 

The regalia used are simple and few. They consist of eagle, hawk, 
squirrel, weasel, beaver, and otter skin bags, a drum, gourd rattles, 
and invitation-sticks. The otter-skin bags are always beaded and 
contain the sacred shell and various medicines. A few red feathers 
are -always inserted in the mouth of the otter-skin bag. The gourds 
contain buck-shot at the present day. They are painted with blue 
finger-marks. 

III. Division of the Ceremony. — The Medicine Dance is divided 
into five well-marked parts. The first part (I) consists of the Two 
Nights' Preparation preceding the sending-out of the invitation-sticks. 
This takes place at the home of the ancestor-host (x'okera), in the 
presence of the members of his band and the candidate. The second 
part (II) consists of the Four Nights' Preparation preceding the sweat- 
lodge ritual. Each band has its own Four Nights' Preparation, 
although that of the ancestor-host begins before the others. The 
third part (III) consists of the rites held in a sweat-lodge specially 
constructed for this purpose near the medicine-lodge, on the morning 
after the Four Nights' Preparation. The participants are the ancestor- 
host; the leader of the East, North, West, and South Bands, each 
with his two assistants; and the candidate. The fourth part (IV) 
consists of the ceremony proper, which in turn must be divided into 
the night ceremony (a) and the day ceremony (b). The fifth part 
(V) consists of the rites held in the brush, at which the secrets of the 
society are imparted to the candidate. Special guards are placed on 
all sides of the brush to prevent the intrusion of outsiders. The 
participants are, beside the candidate, the ancestor-host, the leaders 
of the East and North Bands, each with his two assistants, and all 
other individuals who have bought the privilege of attending. These 
ceremonies take place at the dawn preceding the day ceremony. 

Two feasts and one intermission interrupt the main ceremony. The 
feasts always take place at the end of the ritual of the East Band; i. e., 
generally at noon and at midnight. The intermission generally lasts 
from the dawn preceding the day ceremony until 7 or 8 A. m. The 



154 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

intermission begins as soon as the drum and gourds have been returned 
to the ancestor-host, and ends as soon as the people return from the 
brush ritual. 

The first and second parts are concerned entirely with a recital of 
certain ritualistic myths, and a rehearsal of the songs and the specific 
ritual of each band, used during the remaining parts. 

IV. Types of Component Elements of the Ceremony. — For 
purposes of greater clarity, the speeches, songs, and types of action, 
will be carefully differentiated, and referred to by some designation 
characterizing their essential traits. These speeches, songs, and types 
of action, together form complexes which can be regarded as units, 
and I will therefore also refer to these by some designation characteris- 
tic of their function. 

i. Types of Speeches, (i) Salutations. — No formal salutation is 
used during Parts I and II, the individuals being addressed by their rela- 
tionship terms. In Parts III, IV, and V the salutations are invariably 
the same. The ancestor-host and his band are addressed as follows: 
"The-one-occupying-the-seat-of-a-relative (deceased) (some relation- 
ship terms) -and-you-who-sit-with-him, I salute you!" The East is 
addressed, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-sun-rises;" the 
North, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-cold-comes-from ;" 
the West, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-sun-sets;" and the 
South, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-sun-straightens " or 
(preferably) " You-who-represent-the-end-of-the-road." 

The appellations of the bands, as before stated, refer to the creation 
myth and the four guardian spirits whom the Rabbit visited for the 
purpose of inquiring into the necessity and meaning of death. He was 
compelled to travel around the earth, which is conceived of as an 
island, and received no answer until he came to the spirit at the 
end of the road. In the dramatic performance of the medicine dance 
the lodge typifies the earth, and the four bands and their leaders 
typify the four spirits. The ancestor-host's band typifies the ancestor 
of the Winnebago, their leader being known as x'okera (literally "root," 
metaphorically "ancestor"). 

(2) Speeches. — Under this head will be treated (a) speeches of 
welcome; (b) speeches of acceptation; (c) speeches of presentation; 
(d) speeches explanatory of the significance of the ritual; and (e) 
speeches of admonition, addressed exclusively to the candidate. This 
does not exhaust all the speeches. There are many others, generally 
short, that can hardly be classified. It must be understood that in 
their content, as well as in the order of their succession, the speeches 
must follow a traditionally determined sequence. In practice this is 
certainly not always true, but to the mind of the Winnebago these 
speeches appear as old as the ceremony. It is their firm belief that 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 155 

any departure from the accepted norm will interfere with the efficacy 
of the ceremony. 

(a) Speeches of Welcome. — When the leader of the East Band enters 
after the ancestor-host has begun the main ceremony (IV, b), he 
addresses him as follows: "It was good of you that you condescended 
to invite me to this dance. I am a poor pitiable man, and you be- 
lieved me to be a medicine-man. But I know that you will show me 
the true manner of living, which I thought I possessed, but which I 
did not." In this strain he continues, weaving into his speech refer- 
ences to the ritual connected with his band, and giving words of 
thanks for the beautiful weather (should it be a clear day). In con- 
cluding, he thanks all again, and informs them that he will sing a 
song. With slight alterations, the leaders of the other bands address 
the ancestor-host similarly. The ancestor-host's answer of welcome is 
as follows: "Whatever I desired, you have done for me. All night 
have you stayed with me, and by your presence helped me in the proper 
performance of this ceremony. I am ready with a dancing-song; and 
when I have finished it, and sit down, I shall pass unto you tobacco 
and the other means of blessing (the gourds and the drum). You 
all, who are present, do I greet." 

(b) Speeches of Acceptation. — After the ancestor-host has been pre- 
sented with food, he thanks the donors as follows: "You have had 
pity on me. You have been good to me, and have given me to the 
full whatever I might have desired. You have made my heart full 
of the blessing of thankfulness. In return I give you a blessing. Here 
is some food for you. It is not anything special, nor is it as much as 
it ought to be, and I know you will remain hungry. It was prepared 
for the spirits of the four quarters (whom you represent), but it is 
lacking in all those qualities which would have made it acceptable 
to them. Such as it is, however, may its presentation be a means of 
blessing to you!" 

(c) Speech of Presentation. — East presents the food to the ancestor- 
host with the following words: "I have not very much to tell you, 
because I am too poor, but our ancestors told us to give food to you. 
This little that I give you is all that I can do, being a person of so 
little importance." 

(d) Explanatory Speeches. — These are of so specific a nature that 
no single one can be considered typical. 

(e) Speeches of Admonition. — "Nephew, now I shall tell you the 
path you must walk, the life you must lead. This is the life the Rabbit 
obtained for us. This is the only kind of life, this that our ancestors 
followed. Listen to me. If you will always help yourself, then you 
will attain to the right life. Never do anything wrong. Never steal, 
never tell an untruth, and never fight. If you meet a woman on the 



156 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

left side of the road, turn to the right. Never accost her, nor speak 
familiarly with a person whom you are not permitted thus to address. 
If you do all these things, then you will be acting correctly. This is 
what I desire of you." 

2. Types of Songs. — The songs may be divided into two groups: 
(1) those that are sung in connection with myths and after the speeches 
of a more general nature, and (2) those that are sung to accompany 
definite and specific actions. These latter can therefore be most 
conveniently divided into (a) minor dance songs, (b) major dance 
songs, (c) initial songs, (d) terminal songs, (e) loading songs, and (f) 
shooting songs. The medicine-men distinguish only between four 
kinds of songs, — major and minor dance songs, terminal and shooting 
songs. Each has a different rhythm and music. For purposes of 
description, however, the above division is more convenient. 

3. Types of Action, (i) Blessing. — Either hand is held out- 
stretched, palm downward, and moved horizontally through the air. 
It is always used when entering and leaving the lodge, and on any 
occasion where an individual has to pass from one part of the lodge 
to another. It is always rendered as "blessing" by the Indians; and 
they particularly insisted upon the fact that the "blessing" was not 
conveyed by any words used in connection with the action, but by 
the action itself. Each person who is thus passed answered with a 
long-drawn-out "ho-0-0," and with an obeisance of the head. 

A modification of the above is the na n sura ninkuruhintce (or "blessing 
of the head"), which consists of a simple laying of the hand upon the 
head; both the giver and recipient keeping their eyes fixed on the 
ground, and the recipient slightly bending his head. A few mumbled 
words accompany this action. 

(2) Direction of Walking in the Lodge. — One must always pass con- 
trary to the hands of the clock. A person in the East Band must make 
the entire circuit of the lodge in order to pass out. In only excep- 
tional cases can this rule of passing be broken; and that is when an 
old and specially privileged member crosses from his seat to that 
directly opposite him, during the shooting ceremony. I was given 
to understand that this was an extremely expensive privilege. 

4. Types of Ritual. — Parts III, IV, and V can be so analyzed that 
they fall into a fairly well-defined number of complexes, consisting 
of speeches, songs, and movements. These are nine in number. Arti- 
ficial distinctions have been avoided in this division, as far as possible. 
The complexes are (1) entrance ritual; (2) exit ritual; (3) fire ritual; 
(4) presentation-of-food ritual ; (5) shooting ritual ; (6) initiation ritual ; 
(7) sweat-lodge ritual; (8) smoking ritual; (9) basic ritual. 

Of these, (3), (5), (7), (8), and (9) are found in Part III; all, except 
(7) and (6), in Part IV (a); and all except (7) in Part IV (b); (5) 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 157 

does not actually occur in Part III, but is described in detail in 
the myth related there. The order in which we will discuss these 
ceremonial complexes is not the order in which they follow one another 
in the ritual. Some of them are likewise interwoven with one another. 
Both these factors will, however, be considered in the description of 
the entire ritual, following the description of each ceremonial complex. 

(1) Entrance Ritual. — The band enters the tent, makes one complete 
circuit, and stops. The leader now delivers a short speech, followed 
by a song. They then continue to the west end, where another speech 
is delivered and another song sung. After this, they continue again, 
and stop, at the east end, where the leader talks and sings. Now all 
sit down. After a short pause, the leader again rises, and, walking 
over to the ancestor-host, talks to him, and gives him some tobacco. 
He then returns to his seat. Each band entering repeats the same 
ritual. This applies, however, only to Part IV (a) and (b). 

(2) Exit Ritual (Part IV, a and b) . — The East leader rises and speaks, 
followed by North, West, and South. They then speak again, and, 
singing, walk towards the entrance in such a way that the South, 
North, and West Bands make complete circuits of the lodge, thus 
enabling the East Band to precede them. Near the entrance all stop 
singing, and say "wahi-hi-hi" four times, and pass out. This exit 
ceremony differs slightly in the two divisions of IV. 

(3) Fire Ritual (Part III). — The ancestor-host rises and goes to the 
leaders of the four other bands individually; and after he has blessed 
them, they respond; and all rise, make four circuits of the lodge, and 
then sit down again. Now the leader of the East Band rises, holding 
in his hands the invitation-sticks and some tobacco, delivers a speech, 
and, going to the fireplace, kindles a new fire. 

(8) Smoking Ritual. — The leader of the East Band pours tobacco 
into the fire, first at the east, and then at the north, west, and south 
corners. Then he lights his pipe, puffs first towards the east, then 
towards the north, west, and south. That over, he passes his pipe to 
the leader of the North Band, who takes a few whiffs, and in turn 
passes it around to the next member of the lodge. When the pipe has 
made the complete circuit, it is placed in front of the fireplace. In the 
mean time the ancestor-host has returned to his seat, and after a short 
pause, rises, speaks, and sings again. This smoking ceremony occurs 
after each entrance ceremony of IV (a) and (b), and before both feasts 
of IV (a) and (b). 

(4) Presentation-of-Food Ritual (Part IV, a and b). — The leader of 
the East Band rises, and brings meat, berries, wild potatoes, etc., to 
the ancestor-host, delivering a minor speech at the same time. Each 
of the other leaders repeats the same ceremony. When all have 
finished, the ancestor-host rises and thanks them. 



158 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

(5) General Shooting Ritual (Part IV, a and b). — The leaders of 
the East, North, West, and South Bands, holding their otter-skins in 
their hands, rise, and, taking three men with them, make a complete 
circuit of the lodge. They first speak in undertones to these three 
men, giving them directions. At each end the leader of the East 
Band speaks, and then, singing, walks toward the west end, saying 
" yoho-o-oya-a " three times, and ending with a long-drawn-out 
"yo-ho." At the west end both he and the leader of the South Band 
speak. Then chanting "yo-ho" again, they all walk towards the 
east end. Here the leader of the East Band speaks twice. Now all 
place their otter-skins on the ground in front of them. East then 
speaks again. At the conclusion of his speech, all kneel in front of 
the otter-skins and cough, at which the sacred shell drops from their 
mouths upon the otter-skins. They thereupon pick it up, and holding 
the shell in one hand, and the otter-skin in the other, make a circuit 
of the lodge four times, increasing their speed with each circuit, and 
singing. All this time the shell is held in full view of the spectators, 
on the outstretched palm of their right hand. As they near the east 
end of the lodge, toward the end of the fourth circuit, standing in 
front of the Ancestor-Host's Band, they supposedly swallow the shell, 
and fall down instantaneously, head foremost, as if dead. Finally 
they come to, and, coughing the shell up, they put it into their otter- 
skin bag, and, making the circuit of the tent, shoot four members 
of the Ancestor-Host's Band, four of the East, four of the North, two 
of the West, and two of the South Band. Each person, as he is shot, 
falls prostrate on the ground, but, recovering after a few moments, 
joins those making the circuit of the tent. Each leader now takes his 
drum and gourds to the fireplace. Then the general shooting com- 
mences. Every person possessing the right, shoots one individual, 
until all the members have been shot. As each person is shot, he 
falls to the ground, feigns unconsciousness, and then slowly recovers. 
The slowness or speed of his recovery depends exclusively upon the 
privileges he possesses, and the number of years he has belonged to 
the society. As soon as the person shot recovers, he falls in line im- 
mediately after the last one shot. While all are thus walking around, 
the half-dozen people at the fireplace sing shooting-songs to the 
accompaniment of drum and gourds. The amount of noise at this 
point is quite considerable. 

(6) Initiation Ritual (Part IV, b) . — All the members of the Ancestor- 
Host's Band, and the candidate, make one circuit of the lodge, taking 
their otter-skins along with them. As they pass around, they gently 
touch the heads of the members with the mouth of the otter-skin, 
saying, "yoho'-o-o, " to which the members respond with "ho-0-0." 
After the circuit, all return to their seats with the exception of the 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 159 

candidate, who remains at the east end, in front of the fireplace. 
After a pause, the ancestor-host joins him again, and delivers a speech 
of the admonition type. The candidate first faces the south, and 
then the north. During his speech, the ancestor-host touches him 
on his head and on his chest, and makes him face first south, and then 
north. When the speech is over, the ancestor-host sings, and takes 
the candidate to the west end of the tent. 

The tent is now prepared for the initiation proper. Two long 
strips of calico are stretched from the west to the east end of the lodge. 
They are about a foot and a half wide, and are separated from each 
other by the fireplace. At the west end a much shorter strip of the 
same material is stretched along the width of the lodge, across the 
two long strips. Upon this the candidate is placed. When these 
preparations are completed, the ancestor-host rises, and, going to each 
of the four leaders, speaks to them in an undertone. He then returns 
to his seat. The leaders of the East and North Bands now rise and 
make the complete circuit of the lodge. The former now speaks, 
then the latter. He, in turn, is followed by the former, who speaks 
twice. Then the leader of the North Band delivers another speech, 
and, together with his partner, walks to the west end of the lodge, where 
the candidate is kneeling. The two leaders here speak again. Both 
now take their sacred shells, swallow them, and walk to the east end. 
Here they speak again. Now they hold their otter-skins in readiness 
for the shooting, but first jerk them forward twice towards the four 
cardinal points, saying "dje-ha-hi, dje-ha-hi," and concluding with 
"e-hohoho." Standing upon the two long calico strips in a slightly 
bent position, and holding their otter-skins tightly in their hands, 
both run rapidly toward the reclining form of the candidate, making 
loud, threatening sounds in a quavering voice, and strike his body 
twice with the mouth of the otter-skin, ejaculating, as they do this, 
two short sounds, as of an animal who has succeeded in capturing his 
prey. The candidate falls prostrate to the ground instantaneously, 
He is immediately covered with a blanket, upon which are placed the 
otter-skins of the two leaders. A number of people specially privileged 
now gather around the covered figure, dance, sing, and shout to the 
accompaniment of the shouts of the other members of the society, 
all of whom seem to be in a frenzy of excitement. When the noise 
has somewhat abated, the blanket is removed, and the figure of the 
candidate is shown, still apparently unconscious. He comes to 
slowly, but finally succeeds in raising himself and sitting up. He then 
coughs violently, and the shell, which has apparently been shot into 
his body, falls out of his mouth. After this, his recovery is rapid. 
He is then undressed; and all the finery, as well as the new buckskin 
suit, moccasins, etc., are distributed to those to whom it is customary 



160 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to give them. He now returns to his seat to the right of the Ancestor- 
Host's Band, where some female relative, generally his mother, dresses 
him in an ordinary suit. 

(7) Sweat-Lodge Ritual (Part III). — The East leader rises, and with 
his two assistants makes the circuit of the sweat-lodge, during which 
time the North, West, and South leaders, each with his two assistants, 
join him. At the east end the leader makes four steps with his right 
foot, each time saying "wahi-hi-hi." He then makes the circuit of 
the lodge four times. After the third circuit, he goes directly to the 
heating-stone, "in defiance of the rule," as he himself says, but with 
the hope that through this defiance he will gain additional strength. 
After he has made the fourth circuit, he seizes the two entrance-lodge 
poles, and, shaking them gently, shouts "e-ho-ho-ho." All now sit 
down. Now the ancestor-host takes four sticks and smears them with 
a special kind of greenish clay, and hands them to the leader of the 
East Band. The latter seizes them and holds them tightly with 
both hands. By this action he is supposed to obtain strength. The 
sticks are then passed in rotation to the leaders of the North, West, 
and South Bands, all of whom repeat the same ceremony. 

(9) Basic Ritual (Part IV, a and b). — This ritual is that upon which 
the ritual of the ceremony proper (Part IV, a and b) is built. In a 
certain sense it may be justifiable to consider all the above ritualistic 
complexes, with the exception of the entrance and exit rituals, as 
parts of this basic ritual. The important religious function of the 
Medicine Dance is the " passing of the blessing, " consisting of speeches, 
songs, and the blessings which each individual passes from one band 
to the other for the greater benefit of both the host and his guests. 
These blessings are symbolized by the drum, the gourds, the songs, 
the speeches, and the specific actions in which each band participates. 
The ceremony begins when the ancestor-host delivers his first speech, 
and ends when drum and gourds are returned to him. All that takes 
place between the ancestor-host's first speech, up to the time that the 
drum and gourds are placed before the members of the East Band, 
constitutes the unit that I have called the "basic ritual." Into it 
are thrust, as intrusive elements, other rituals; so that it is at times 
extremely difficult to discern the basic ritual itself. But it is there, 
and remains intact; for as soon as an intrusive ritual is finished, the 
thread of the basic ritual is taken up, and continued to the end. Such 
a ritual as the general shooting or initiation, or such myths as the 
origin myth, require hours; and yet as soon as they are over, the basic 
ceremony is continued from the point where it had been interrupted. 

The East leader rises and speaks, then sits down, and together with 
the other members of his band, sings a song (initial song). When 
this song is finished, he rises and speaks again, and then sits down and 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 161 

commences a song known as the "minor dancing-song." While he 
and a few others are singing, drumming, and using the gourd rattles, 
other members of his band, as well as members of the other bands, 
who care to, and who have bought the privilege, come to his seat and 
join in the dancing. When this is over, he and a few others either 
from his own or from some other band, who have bought the privilege, 
go to the fireplace, where the leader delivers a speech and begins the 
major dancing-songs, in which the privileged members participate. 
When this is over, the drum is tied to one of the members thus privi- 
leged, generally the one who has been drumming, and the circuit of 
the lodge is twice made, the leader and his two assistants at the head, 
followed by the other members of his band. Two stops are made at 
the west, and two at the east, end of the lodge, where songs known 
as "completion songs" are sung. Then the lodge circuit is made four 
times, all chanting "wahi-hi-hi," slowly at first, but then faster, the 
speed of the walking corresponding to that of the chanting. Then, 
with a final strong "e-ho-ho," drum and gourds are deposited in front 
of the next band. All now return to their seats, where, before sitting 
down, the leader delivers a short speech. 

This basic ritual is repeated by each band in the manner described. 
As it is so often broken up by the intrusion of other rituals, it will be 
best to divide it into four parts. These parts are never broken up. 
Whenever intrusive elements occur, they either precede or follow. 

The first part consists of all that takes place between the first 
speech of the leader and the completion of the initial song. The speech 
referred to is the one that follows the smoking ritual, which may,, on 
the whole, be reckoned as belonging to the introductory ritual, such as 
the entrance ritual. The second part consists of all that transpires 
between the second speech and the completion of the minor dancing- 
song. The third part consists of all that transpires between the speech 
at the fireplace and the completion of the major dancing-songs. The 
fourth part consists of all that transpires between the completion of 
the major dancing-songs, and the last speech the leader makes after 
he has passed the drum and gourds to the next band. 

The most bewildering intrusion is that which follows the second 
part. Before the leader and his assistants go to the fireplace, the 
elaborate general shooting ritual takes place. After the specially 
designated men of each band have been shot, those specially privi- 
leged proceed to the fireplace. Here they sing the shooting-songs 
until the shooting ritual is over. The first set of drummers and gourd- 
rattle holders are often relieved by a second set. It is only when the 
shooting-songs have been completed, that the leader and his assistants 
proceed to the fireplace to begin the third part of the basic ritual. 

V. Ceremony as a Whole. — As stated before, there are certain 



162 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

speeches and types of action that cannot be fitted into the above 
description. This is especially true of myths; and these, with the 
exception of the content of the myth, will now be considered in con- 
nection with the description of the entire ritual as related to me by 
Blowsnake, and based on the above divisions. The ceremony begins 
with an account of the manner in which Blowsnake was induced to 
join the society. Upon his acceptance, and payment of the required 
amount of material, the ceremony began. 

The first two nights consisted of an informal salutation, two ex- 
planatory speeches and four myths, the latter in no way connected 
with any part of the Medicine Dance. The last three myths deal with 
the legendary account of the origin of the Winnebago Medicine Dance, 
and its dissemination among the tribe. 

At sunset the leader of the band to which the candidate has applied 
for admission, gathers together the members of his band, and all re- 
tire to a little lodge near his home, in order to begin the Four Nights' 
Preparation. It is only after the leader has finished the first song that 
the other four bands who are holding corresponding preparations are 
allowed to begin. What actually takes place during these four nights 
is not positively known, but there is little doubt that they are used as 
a general rehearsal of songs, speeches, and other elements of the cere- 
mony. 1 In all probability, the candidate who is present in the lodge 
of his future ancestor-host is likewise instructed in as many things as 
an uninitiated member is allowed to know. This instruction consists 
in the teaching of certain myths and types of action. 

On the morning after the last of the four nights, the candidate is 
given some sacrificial tobacco, and told to go in search of a stone for 
the sweat-bath. He selects a stone that he can carry on his back 
easily. Before picking it up, he pours tobacco on it. As soon as the 
stone is brought to the lodge of the host, it is heated. The candidate 
is now despatched for some oak-branches, four pieces of oak-wood 
about two feet and a half in length, and some grass. The grass is 
used for improvised seats. The oak-wood is used for the four con- 
struction poles of the sweat-lodge. They are placed in the east, 
north, west, and south points respectively. It is not permitted to 
trim the tops of the oak-wood. When all the bands have gathered 
near the medicine-lodge, and retired to their improvised lodges, the 
ancestor-host and the candidate go to the lodge of the East leader 
(that is, to the lodge of the band first invited), and greet him by 
touching his head with their hand. 

1 The speeches are not actually rehearsals of speeches to be delivered during the cere- 
mony proper, but they refer to the purpose of the Medicine Dance much in the same way 
as do some of the speeches in the ceremony proper. A large number of miscellaneous 
myths are likewise related. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 163 

He answers with "ho-0-0." The leader of the first band rises, and, 
accompanied by his two assistants, goes to the sweat-lodge. The 
ancestor-host goes to the lodges of the other bands and greets the 
leaders in a similar manner. After the leader and assistants of the 
band last invited have entered the sweat-lodge, the ancestor-host, 
the candidate, and his assistants enter, and the ceremonies begin. 

After the ceremonial salutation and an introductory speech, the 
ancestor-host, as the leader of the band giving the Medicine Dance 
may now be called, rises, and, taking his invitation-stick and some 
tobacco, approaches the leader of each band, and, blessing him, 
thanks him for coming, and assures him at the same time to how great 
a degree his presence will contribute toward the success of the per- 
formance of the ritual. He then returns to his seat. The leaders 
thank him in turn. Now follow the fire and smoking rituals, which 
in turn are followed by twelve speeches of a general and of an ex- 
planatory character. Then comes the "strengthening" ritual; and 
immediately after come two exceedingly long myths describing the 
initiation of the first man into the secrets of the lodge, as well as the 
symbolic meaning of the shooting ritual. All now undress and take 
a sweat-bath. Female candidates are excluded. A number of short 
speeches follow, and the whole concludes with the exit ritual. 

The drum and gourds are used to accompany the song. The basic 
ritual is perhaps present, to a certain extent. However, it was im- 
possible to witness the ritual, and for this reason the procedure seems 
somewhat hazy to the writer. 

When the ritual in the sweat-bath is over, there is a slight pause. 
The candidate, the ancestor-host and his band, enter the medicine- 
lodge, and, after taking their seats, sing a few songs. When the 
last song is concluded, the other bands enter in the order of their 
invitation. Now comes the entrance ritual followed by the smoking 
ritual. Thereupon the ancestor-host rises and delivers the opening 
speech of the basic ritual. The ancestor-host does not go through 
the entire basic ritual at this time, because he is not permitted to 
begin the shooting ritual. Soon after the beginning of the basic ritual 
by the ancestor-host, generally after the second speech, gourds and 
drum are passed to the leader of the East Band. This one rises and 
begins the basic ritual, which he interrupts at the end of the second 
part, in order to begin the general shooting ritual. When that is 
finished, he continues with the third and fourth parts of the basic 
ritual. Then drum and gourds are passed to the North Band. Its 
leader now in turn begins his basic ritual, but stops after the second 
part, where the presentation-of-food ritual and the smoking ritual 
intervene. It is now about midnight, and a feast is partaken of. 
As soon as the feast is finished, and the lodge has been cleared of 



1 64 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

food and eating-utensils, the leader of the North Band continues with 
the third and fourth parts of the basic ritual. The leaders of the 
West and South Bands perform the basic ritual without any interrup- 
tions, except, of course, that of the general shooting ritual between 
the second and third parts. The drum and gourds have now reached 
the ancestor-host, who goes through the third and fourth parts of 
the basic ritual. There is, however, some doubt as to whether this is 
always done. Then follows the exit ritual, and all pass out to rest 
for a few hours. 

A short time preceding dawn, the candidate, the leaders of the East 
and North Bands, and the ancestor-host, each with two assistants, 
and all other members who are privileged to do so, leave the lodge and 
walk to the brush, where the candidate is to be initiated into the 
mysteries of the sacred shell and the shooting. Each band must 
have one or more of its members present at this ritual. 1 When they 
are near the place set aside for the secret ritual, the order of marching, 
which up to this time had been of no consequence, changes into that 
of single file, the leader of the East Band leading. When they have 
arrived at the place, all stop. The East leader now informs those 
present that he is going to make a road for the candidate, symbolical 
of the path of life, which forms the basis of the sweat-bath and Medi- 
cine Dance. Singing, he circles the spot four times. At the end of 
the fourth circuit he stops, and all turn around and face east. The 
leader of the North Band has also the right to go through this ritual, 
but he does not always do it. Repeating the ceremony is in all 
probability connected with extra expense. All now sit down, and 
the specific rites of the brush ritual begin. 

The ancestor-host rises, and, taking the candidate with him, goes 
to the leader of the East Band and speaks to him. Then he and the 
candidate return to their seats. The East leader now relates to the 
candidate a portion of the story of the creation of the earth and of the 
first man. The North leader then tells the story of the journey to 
the land of the spirits, to the lodge of the earth-maker. When this 
is finished, the two leaders teach the candidate how to go through the 
actions incidental to the shooting, the swallowing of the shell, and 
the recovery from its effects. When they think that he is sufficiently 
adept in all these actions, they dress him in his new suit, put on a new 
pair of 'moccasins, decorate him with finery, and return to the medicine- 
lodge. 

These rites generally last until about eight in the morning; so that 
when those who have participated in the brush ritual are returning, 
the other members of the Medicine Dance are also about ready to 

a This has been contradicted by some of my informants, who claim that only the East 
and North Bands have representatives at the brush ceremony. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 165 

begin the day ceremony, the principal one of the entire Medicine 
Dance. The ancestor-host again precedes the other leaders in entering 
the lodge. Then follows the entrance ritual. During this ritual the 
drum is struck four times at stated intervals. The smoking ritual 
now follows. When it is concluded, the ancestor-host rises to begin 
the basic ritual, which is interrupted at the end of the second part. 
Gourds and drum are passed to the East Band, whose basic ritual is 
also interrupted at the end of the second part. Now follows, first the 
initiation of the candidate into the Medicine Dance, and then the 
general shooting ritual. When the East leader has concluded, drum 
and gourds are passed to the North Band, whose basic ritual is not 
interrupted, as upon the preceding day. At the conclusion of the 
basic ritual of the North Band, the food-presentation ritual follows, 
then that of the smoking ritual, and finally the feast. After the feast, 
the leader of the West Band narrates the origin myth of the Medicine 
Dance, which is continued by the leader of the South Band. The 
presents are then distributed. After this, the basic ritual is continued 
by the leader of the West Band, followed by that of the South Band, 
and finally drum and gourds are passed to the ancestor-host. He 
either finishes the third and fourth parts of the basic ritual, or takes 
drum and gourds to the fireplace. The exit ritual now begins, and 
at about sunset the entire ceremony of the Medicine Dance is over. 
On the whole, it must be said, that the main difference between (a) 
and (b) of Part IV setting aside the initiation, lies simply in the 
number of myths told and the greater length of the speeches. 

B. DESCRIPTION OF THE OJIBWA MIDEWIWIN 

As I shall have occasion to refer frequently to the Midewiwin of the 
Ojibwa and Menominee, a short summary of these two ceremonies 
will be inserted here. 

The Ojibwa Midewiwin is a society of shamans of both sexes. 
It is graded into four degrees, special initiation being required for 
each degree. The ritual of all the degrees seems to be the property of 
five shamans, — the four so-called "mide-priests" and the preceptor. 
In the lodge the preceptor occupies a position to the side of the candi- 
date and the mide-priests sitting near the western entrance. 1 

There are two methods of admission. A man may apply because 
in his fasting some manito connected with the Midewiwin has appeared 
to him, or he may take the place of an individual who has died while 
preparing for initiation. As soon as the candidate's application has 
been accepted, a preceptor is selected, whose duty it is to instruct the 
new pupil in the mide teachings, and explain to him the meaning and 
origin of the regalia, the songs, and the origin of the Midewiwin itself, 

1 Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, vol. vii, p. iSS, diagram. 
vol. xxiv. — no. 92. — 12 



1 66 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

by means of birch-bark records. The time required for this instruc- 
tion varies, depending upon the preceptor and the amount of payment. 
The knowledge required for each degree is definitely determined, and 
is imparted almost entirely during this preparatory instruction. When 
the candidate has acquired the specified information, and the required 
payments have been made, a four-nights' preparation takes place, 
during which he takes four sweat-baths. At dawn of the day of ini- 
tiation he repairs to the sweat-lodge, clad in his best clothes, to await 
the arrival of his preceptor and the four officiating priests. 

The initiation ceremonies which follow are the same for the second, 
third, and fourth degrees in almost all details, except that those for the 
fourth are more elaborate. The first degree is like the others in its 
possession of a shooting ceremony and general speeches, but differs 
in elaboration and symbolism of the ritual. 

The shooting is performed by the four officiating mide; but it is 
only the leader of these four who succeeds in rendering the candidate 
unconscious. A candidate for the first degree is shot in the breast; 
one for the second, in the joints; and one for the third and fourth, 
in the joints and forehead. After he has been initiated, the candidate 
tries his power on all the members present. Indiscriminate shooting, 
as described among the Winnebago, only occurs at the initiation into 
the fourth degree. 

To the Ojibwa the Midewiwin is the dramatization of the struggle 
of the bear-spirit with the evil spirit, bear, serpent, panther, etc. 
The candidate impersonates the good bear-spirit, and some mide 
sometimes take upon themselves the impersonation of the evil spirits. 1 
In the ritual of the fourth degree, representing the complete initiation, 
the dramatization and its symbolistic interpretation are best shown. 
He who succeeds becomes correspondingly powerful in his profession. 
Hunters, warriors, and lovers have occasion to call upon him, and 
charms to counteract the evil effects of an enemy's work are some- 
times sought. 2 

The Ojibwa interpretation of the Midewiwin is seen in all its details 
in the birch-bark records. 3 A mide of the second degree can look 
into futurity; can hear what is transpiring at a distance; can touch, 
for good or for evil, friends and enemies at a distance, however remote; 
and has the ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his 
desires or duties. 4 A bad mide of this degree has the power of assuming 
the form of any animal. In this guise he may destroy the life of his 
victim immediately, and then resume his human form and appear 
innocent of the crime. A "fourth-degree mide" is presumed to be 

1 Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, vol. vii, pp. 245, 255-274. 
2 Ibid., p. 257. 
3 Ibid., pp. 167-181. 
A lbid., p. 168. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 167 

in a position to accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. 
He is not only endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and 
intentions of others, but also of calling forth the shadow (soul) and 
of retaining it within his grasp at pleasure. 

From the above it will be seen that the Midewiwin covered prac- 
tically all the religious and the shamanistic ideas of the Ojibwa. 

C. DESCRIPTION OF THE MENOMINEE MIDEWIWIN 

Among the Menominee, initiation generally takes place as a sub- 
stitution of one individual for one who has died, although any person 
who gives proof of eligibility is accepted. The former is by far 
the more common method. Generally a person makes the promise 
of procuring a substitute for some deceased member, and a favorite 
relative or dear friend of the deceased may be elected. There are 
four mide-priests who determine upon the candidacy and appoint an 
instructor. The instruction the candidate receives is confined to 
the knowledge of the remedies known to the instructor. 1 Each remedy 
must be paid for separately. The four mide-priests select two sets 
of assistants and two ushers, who all play a prominent part in the 
ceremonies proper. 2 

When a candidate is taking the place of a deceased member, the 
ceremonies begin at the grave of the latter, 3 and, after a service which 
lasts from dusk of one day to dawn of the next, all proceed to the 
Midewiwin lodge. But only the four highest officiating medicine-men 
enter. After a ritual which consists of chants and speeches of welcome, 
and the passing of the drum from the first to the other three mide, 
the other members who are to take an active part enter. A short ritual 
then takes place, after which the second set of mide enter and another 
ritual follows. Then the ordinary and visiting mide enter, the former 
taking seats according to the phratries to which they belong; and the 
candidate, his nearest relations, and he who had promised to give the 
feast, enter with them and take seats near the mide of the first group. 
Finally the third set of mide enter. The seating in the lodge is, 
candidate, friends, etc., near the eastern end; first four mide, next 
to them; second set, on northern side near western entrance; and third 
set of mide, at the middle of the southern side. 

The ceremonies begin by calling the candidate forward to stand 
before the mide of the first group. His family and friends stand 
around him in a semicircle, dancing in time to the chanting and 
drumming. One of the mide begins a chant, at the end of which a 
pause occurs, and the candidate and friends resume their seats. The 

1 Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, vol. xiv, p. 69. 

2 Compare diagram, ibid., p. 75. 

3 Ibid, p. 75- 



1 68 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

drum is passed in rotation to the second, third, and fourth mide. As 
they chant, the candidate, etc., stands before them. The last of the 
four then chants the origin myth of the Midewiwin. The drum is 
now passed to the mide who had chanted first. He continues the 
narration of the ritualistic myths. Drum and gourds are then passed 
from one mide to the other, and from the first set of mide to the third, 
until the circuit has been made. 

These ceremonies are continued through the night, although only 
the three sets of mide remain in the lodge all that time. Shortly 
after sunrise, almost all leave the lodge. When they return, prepara- 
tions are made for the initiation. The shooting of the candidate is 
performed by the second set of mide. The candidate, after recovering, 
makes the circuit of the lodge, shooting whomsoever he desires. The 
characteristics of this shooting ceremony are practically identical with 
those of the Winnebago. 

D. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RITUAL 

I. The Common Elements. — The common elements in the forego- 
ing ritualistic complexes are both general and specific in nature. We 
have, as general, an initiation ritual; and as specific, a shooting ritual. 
There are in addition, in the Central Algonkin and Winnebago group, 
other resemblances, such as similarities in the ethical teaching, in the 
details of the shooting ritual itself, and in the presence of the secret 
brush ritual. To the above must be added the fact that the songs 
of the Winnebago ceremonies are to a large extent in some Central 
Algonkin dialect. 

The meaning of these general similarities will be touched upon later. 
What I wish to insist upon here is, that if the ritualistic complexes 
are at all to be regarded as identical, this is so by reason of the presence 
in each of a shooting ritual. This identity is strengthened in each 
case by the association of this specific shooting ritual with the more 
general feature of initiation. The most dramatic phase in the main 
ceremony is this initiation and shooting complex; and it seems, there- 
fore, quite intelligible why the number of similar details thus asso- 
ciated together should have been interpreted as the historically pri- 
mary and basic elements. 

To postulate an historical identity, however, on the basis of a 
number of common elements, in the face of numerous and important 
differences, implies a specific attitude toward the nature and signifi- 
cance of the common elements in these ceremonies. We know, indeed, 
that almost all theoreticians place greater insistence upon the simi- 
larities than upon the differences in cultural phenomena. There is 
perhaps a natural tendency to do so. But quite apart from this 
tendency, there must likewise be certain definite reasons for such an 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 169 

interpretation. It is essential, consequently, to understand at the 
very outset the theoretical justification of this position. 

II. The Interpretation of the Common Elements — Schurtz's 
Theory. — This question has been taken up in extenso by Schurtz, 1 
in his work on "Age Classes and Men's Societies." Here, as well as 
in previous theoretical discussions, the presence of a number of simi- 
larities has been considered sufficient for establishing the identity of 
a group of ceremonies that admittedly possess a large number of 
specific peculiarities. But Schurtz gives us a detailed psychological 
exposition (and in this lies perhaps his superiority over others who 
have discussed the same subject) of the reasons which have prompted 
him to take a certain attitude toward these "similarities." If 
Schurtz's work is therefore selected in preference to that of others, 
it is because of the fact that, in addition to practically taking the same 
position as most of the other theoreticians, he has most clearly defined 
some of the assumptions underlying their position. 

Schurtz's line of argument seems to have been the following. An 
investigation of civilized as well as of primitive organizations has 
disclosed a number of similarities. Their historical development is 
unknown; but the enormous distance separating them geographically, 
precludes the possibility that these similarities have been due either 
to borrowing or to dissemination from some one original centre. They 
must consequently be explained by assuming that they have devel- 
oped independently, as external manifestations of the unity of the 
human mind. We are thus led to the assumption accepted by most 
ethnologists to-day, that the human mind tends to express itself in 
similar modes of thought and action the world over. The variation 
in these modes is to be ascribed either to the differences in the nature 
of the geographical and social surroundings or to the emotional and 
intellectual individuality of different groups of people, or to both. 
We are, however, concerned here not so much with the variations as 
with the common modes of thought and action. It is consequently 
of prime importance to determine first the nature of these modes, 
their sequence, and the extent to which this sequence has been con- 
ditioned by the modes themselves. 

We start at the very outset with an implied assumption; for by 
"sequence," Schurtz distinctly understood an ordered sequence. His 
work is primarily an attempt to determine what this ordered sequence 
has been, and how it has been determined. The norm of organization 
in which the human race expressed itself primarily, is, according to 
him, the age-group. Owing to the historical development of various 
cultural areas, it is no longer possible to detect this " primary element;" 
and he consequently finds it necessary to demonstrate its existence 
from another point of view, which is essentially psychological. 

1 Heinrich Schurtz, Altersk'.assen und M'annerbunde, 1902; cf. especially pp. 1-82. 



170 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The development of the age-group has followed a very definite 
sequence — definite, because it has been determined by certain in- 
herent tendencies of the human mind. These tendencies are "the 
instinct for association " l (Geselligkeitstrieb) and "the sexual instinct" 
(Geschlechtstrieb). Granting the existence of these two tendencies, 
we have then to inquire how they have conditioned the essential 
similarities in the evolution of our social life, and the forms in which 
that social life has expressed itself. 

There are two possible assumptions. We may assume that at a 
certain stage of cultural development groups of people possessed no 
social individuality sufficiently strong to determine their own develop- 
ment, and that the Geselligkeitstrieb and Geschlechtstrieb alone, or 
reinforced by other factors, were sufficiently strong to condition devel- 
opment along certain lines; or we may, on the other hand, assume that 
the primary modes in which people have expressed themselves are 
necessarily of so simple and generalized a type, that they always were 
the same. Schurtz has practically assumed a stage in human develop- 
ment when the individuality of the component units of a social group 
was at a minimum; when there was, so to say, a "group mind," 
whose initial development is most easily explained by the influence 
of inherent tendencies. It must be said, in fairness to Schurtz, that 
the other alternative mentioned above was probably also in his mind. 
However, he seems to have elaborated his theory with the first alter- 
native constantly before his eyes. 

This unexpressed assumption is of the greatest possible moment 
in Schurtz's interpretation, because it immediately establishes a 
certain fixity for his primary norm; and excluding as it does the 
possibility of variation, because the two tendencies, as constants, are 
acting upon social groups whose component members have a minimum 
of individuality, brings it about that the same primary norm must be 
simple and generalized in its nature. 

Schurtz has thus given us a psychological milieu, and we must now 
proceed to investigate what are the specific norms of development, 
the method by which these norms have been determined, the nature 
of their sequence, and how this sequence has been absolutely condi- 
tioned. The first two of these points become clearer if we attack the 
question of sequence first. 

It is apparent from Schurtz's work that to him the necessity for 
an ordered sequence was self-evident. This acceptance of an ordered 
sequence as axiomatic was conditioned primarily by the fact that he 
implied at the very outset that the ordered sequence present in the 
evolution of biological phenomena was to be found in an essentially 

1 Wherever the phrase "instinct for association" is used, it is an attempt to render 
the German Geselligkeitstrieb. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 171 

comparable manner in the development of civilization. In the same 
way Schurtz's use of the terms "highest" and "lowest" and of "inter- 
mediate stages" is only inadequately explained when regarded as 
derived from the study of history. Neither can we assume that these 
terms were merely a reflection of the conclusion he had drawn from a 
comparison of the palpable differences between Europeans and 
"primitive" people. His whole treatment of "intermediate stages," 
and of the factors he calls to his aid in explaining them, — such as 
divergences due to variations from a type, vestiges, functional changes, 
— these are all strictly biological not merely in their terminology, but 
likewise in their general connotation. 

The justification for equating the processes which have played a 
large part in historical and biological evolution seemed, indeed, ap- 
parent. In the cultural history of any people, we find elements splitting 
up and giving rise to innumerable variations. In this divergence we 
meet again and again with two phenomena, — first, that of the general 
decay of cultural elements, of their total disappearance in some cases 
and of their persistence as vestigial remains in others; and, secondly, 
that of the incessant change, of the re-adjustment and re-interpretation 
of cultural phenomena, so that elements often take upon themselves 
functions which they originally did not possess, while these original 
functions are either partially or totally obscured. Numerous other 
points, more specific in nature, could be adduced to demonstrate more 
fully the essential similarity of cultural and biological phenomena. 

The comparability of the data of civilization and biology brought 
in its train, however, the natural corollary that the general course of 
their development was the same. Such an assumption fitted in 
admirably with the psychological presuppositions of Schurtz, and with 
the inferences he felt justified in drawing from the historical data. 
Neither Schurtz, nor, for that matter, any theoretician of his time, 
ever made any attempt to prove that the method of biological evolution 
was the same as that of the historical. It was commonly assumed to 
have been the same; but, quite apart from this acceptance of a fact 
that seemed to need no proof, the similarity in the evolution of bio- 
logical and historical phenomena was by implication conditioned by 
his psychological assumptions. The number of norms are necessarily 
reduced to a minimum when inherent tendencies are acting on a 
"group mind," for it would be tacitly admitting a large range for 
personal individuality, to assume the existence of many norms; but 
if there are only a few norms, or, as Schurtz concludes, one norm, — 
that of the age-group, — variations can only have arisen as differentia- 
tions of this norm, due to influences either from within or from without. 
We are consequently reduced to a condition exactly parallel to 
that which we find, according to the theory of evolution, in biology. 



172 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Variations are the result of a differentiation of some unit. It is the 
object, in the classification of biological data, to demonstrate, by 
means of a series of ascending forms, the- evolution of the most 
highly differentiated from the least differentiated. In thus arranging 
the data, it followed that the least-differentiated forms contained the 
simple general manifestations of life, and that at the same time the 
most highly-differentiated forms likewise contained all these simple 
general manifestations, although they were here, as a rule, so changed 
as to be entirely obscured, if not unrecognizable. 

In a manner almost exactly parallel to the above, Schurtz sought 
to classify the phenomena of social organization. The highest must 
contain within itself the simple and general phenomena of the lowest 
form. Having thus demonstrated to his satisfaction the existence 
and the necessity of an ordered sequence, he turned his attention to 
demonstrating that this sequence was psychologically as well as his- 
torically conditioned. His line of argument here can best be shown by 
analyzing the first few chapters of his book. 

At the basis of all social organizations lie two elementary forces, — 
the "instinct for association" and the "sexual instinct." The sexual 
instinct is primary, because it is obviously an essential condition of 
life. The instinct for association is secondary in so far as its expression 
in outward form is concerned. It is as old as the sexual instinct; but, 
since at the initial stage of human development the sexual instinct 
is so strong a force, the instinct of association had no observable 
influence on the actions of men. 

The forms of social organization which the sexual instinct conditions 
are those based upon certain kinds of blood relationship. These forms 
are primary. To establish the priority of the forms thus imposed 
by blood relationship, we have but to remember that, as the relation- 
ship of individuals to one another preceded everything else, so the 
social forms based upon blood relationship must have preceded all 
other social forms. We are therefore to regard as the earliest stage 
of social organization that of groups bound together by blood rela- 
tionship. But what has been the force differentiating these groups? 
Obviously not the same sexual instinct that has caused the formation of 
these primary groups. To explain the factors that have caused this dif- 
ferentiation we must call to our aid two phenomena, — first, that of 
sexual solidarity; and, secondly, that of the instinct for association. 

Sexual solidarity has its roots in the nature of man and woman, 
and is possessed by them in equal intensity. The instinct for associa- 
tion is, however, a specifically masculine trait. It is found among 
women only in a minimal degree. An important corollary follows 
from this fact: If women societies are found anywhere, they are to be 
considered merely as imitations of men's societies. If women are 



Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 173 

found as members in a society, this is to be regarded as secondary and 
purely adventitious. These, and some more specific points to be 
enumerated later, must be borne in mind continually, as Schurtz 
makes a far-reaching use of them. 

The instinct for association, he goes on to say, expresses itself, 
however, between those of like interests; that is, between those who 
would most likely be of the same age. It is not likely, for instance, 
to occur between married and unmarried men. We have here two 
apparently organically determined classes. In the earliest stages of 
social development, however, when the norms of social expression 
conditioned by the sexual instinct were still of paramount importance, 
insistence was most naturally placed upon the most important stage 
of man's physiological development, — the age of puberty. The strong 
line of demarcation between the period preceding and following sexual 
maturity was so ever-present a fact to the mind of primitive man, that 
it found expression in the multitude of initiatory rites. In these 
initiatory rites we have another of the specific "symptoms" with which 
we shall have to deal afterward. 

When the instinct for association developed more strongly, the dif- 
ferences due to age, plus the physiological factor, conditioned the 
natural formation of two classes, — one of men before puberty, and 
one of men after puberty. This natural tw r ofold division was also 
strengthened by another factor; for until the age of puberty, boys 
were under the influence of women, and were therefore to be reckoned 
as one with them. 

The three groups — men before puberty, unmarried men after 
puberty, and married men — are thus built upon the basis of age dis- 
tinction and common interest. They are the norms of primitive social 
organization, and, as we have seen, their origin is due to inherited 
instincts. By implication Schurtz has here also assumed the existence 
of a definite sequence; for the division into pre- and post-puberty groups 
is a consequence of the sexual instinct, and is therefore primary. 
Differentiation into the groups of married and unmarried men there- 
upon followed; but the initiation, which is synchronous with the age 
of sexual maturity, has introduced another factor, that of promiscuous 
sexual intercourse; and the regulation that this has demanded is 
found outwardly expressed in the "men's house." The common 
interests that drew men together into groups have thus far been those 
conditioned largely by age. In the development of society, however, 
interests became more and more diversified, and resulted, first, in the 
disappearance of the age factor as the essential element for associations, 
and, secondly, in the necessity for more closely organized units with 
specific characteristics. To obtain this close organization, one of the 
essential elements was secrecy, and thus developed out of the "men's 



174 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

house" those innumerable clubs and secret societies which we find 
so common to-day. 

In such manner we have constructed an ascending evolutionary 
series. It must not be forgotten that in such a series the highest 
stage is but a differentiated lower stage. It must likewise be remem- 
bered that there is a tendency for intermediate stages to leave vestigial 
remains wherever they developed into higher stages. We may con- 
sequently expect to find traces of "age groups" and "men's houses" 
all over the world. In addition, we must remember that a number of 
"symptoms" — such as "the exclusion of women" from a society, the 
presence of "an initiation," of "degrees," and of "secrecy" — have 
always been associated with certain stages of growth. They may 
serve us for criteria of this growth and of the stages thereof, and they 
constitute proofs of historical identity. They will often appear 
unassociated with the definite stage assigned to them; but that is 
immaterial, for their almost universal presence is a sufficient guaranty 
of their significance. It is not necessary to inquire into their indi- 
vidual significance among definite societies, because a negative answer 
would prove nothing, as differences from the general scheme outlined 
can be interpreted most easily in terms of some functional change. 

It must of course be remembered that the various points of view 
from which Schurtz approached his problem were so inextricably inter- 
woven, that it is unwarranted to assume that every position he took 
was as distinctly analyzed as I have attempted to show. 

From two points of view, a psychological and a biological one, 
Schurtz obtained similar conclusions. It is now only necessary, after 
we have seen how he established his psychological milieu and his 
sequence of norms, to investigate the manner in which he approached 
the ethnological data themselves. 

Schurtz claims to have reached his interpretation from an inductive 
study of the available data. We have seen that there is good reason 
to suppose that he approached the data with certain preconceptions, 
the most important of which was the necessity of "ascending stages" in 
the evolution of society. He had to determine, before everything else, 
the initial stage of social evolution, and to look for it or for as close an 
approximation to it as might still be found to-day. However, as 
soon as we accept what Schurtz thought were the necessary conse- 
quences of the two tendencies, — of the instinct for association and of 
the sexual instinct, — obviously, then, that organization which conforms 
closest to the conditions there imposed would be the most primitive. 

He thereupon found himself confronted with the relatively easy 
task of finding such an organization. He found it in Australia, and 
selected it as the starting-point of his series. In justice to Schurtz 
and other theoreticians, it should, however, be said that the Australian 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 175 

cultures impressed many then, and continue to impress many now, 
as cultures that either had been stunted in their growth, or had 
developed only as far as the most primitive stages. From that point 
on, the construction of a series was a simple task. 

Such, in brief, is the position of Schurtz. 

He wished to convey the impression that his theory was based 
entirely upon an inductive study of the data; but we have seen that, 
by means of two powerful tendencies, he in reality based his interpreta- 
tion upon a deductive study. He does, it is true, claim that the exist- 
ence of these tendencies was established inductively; but even if we 
were to grant this, it is apparent that he subsequently disassociated 
the tendencies from the data, and used them as new entities from 
which to re-interpret the facts. 

It has been pointed out before that Schurtz did not believe that the 
absence of any or all of the "symptoms" constituted an argument 
against his theory. In the same way, any evidences of convergent 
evolution, of the appearance of "symptoms" of higher stages asso- 
ciated with those of a lower stage, would not militate against his 
position. Such phenomena were to be regarded as purely adventitious. 
Dissemination of cultures, he held, was possible; but, although simi- 
larities due to such an agency might obscure the normal development, 
this normal development could hardly be fundamentally disarranged 
thereby. 

The theory of Schurtz might be examined from' two points of 
view. One might critically examine the validity of the assumptions 
per se, and the justifiability of his inferences; or one might temporarily 
lay aside the theory entirely, and examine the data individually. 
It is the latter method of approach that I shall here adopt. 

With this purpose in view, I have selected for examination and inter- 
pretation the data furnished by the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, 
the Winnebago Medicine Dance, and the Omaha Shell and Pebble 
Societies. The investigation of specific data will, however, not have 
any general validity, unless it can be shown that their specific content 
is the result of certain very general psychological tendencies. 

The common elements in the ceremonial complexes have led to the 
predication of their identity, and it will be best therefore to begin 
our study with an analysis of them. 

III. The Shooting Ritual. — It might perhaps be expedient, 
before discussing the phenomena of "shooting" in general, to analyze 
what is supposed to be its precise nature among the various tribes 
possessing it in one form or another. Generally speaking, the essential 
idea lies in the simulation of being shot by a missile, and re-acting by 



176 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

simulating muscular contractions until the individual falls prone upon 
the ground. The general theory of the Ojibwa-Menominee and of the 
Winnebago is, that death must thereupon normally result, but that 
certain conditions may change this fatal effect into one of temporary 
unconsciousness. Among the Omaha, the simulated death is inter- 
preted as the dramatic representation of the death of certain persons 
known in the ceremony of the Shell Society as "children." Among 
the Santee Dakota, it seems to have had no very definite meaning. 1 

The Ojibwa, 2 Menominee, 3 Winnebago, and Dakota are at one in 
interpreting the effects of the shooting as the result of the magical 
powers inherent in the missile used. Efficiency in shooting, however, 
depends not merely upon the missile, but also upon the shaman using 
it. According to the esoteric interpretation of the Winnebago, the 
specific results could only be obtained by being a member of the 
Medicine Dance. There are indications that this specific efficacy was 
associated with the general magical power of shamans, — a power that 
had been obtained through personal visions, not in any way connected 
with this society. For the Ojibwa-Menominee, this latter seems to 
have been by far the more important source for efficacy. For example, 
the otter-skin bag could be used with the same effect quite apart 
from the performances of the Midewiwin. In the Omaha ceremonies 
it is not quite clear exactly what renders the shooting efficacious, 
and whether the result is inherent in the magical power of the missile. 

In all the ritualistic complexes there are variations both as to the 
manner in which the shooting is done, and as to the portion of the 
body aimed at. Excluding the Omaha societies, these variations in all 
cases depend upon the status of membership. The Ojibwa-Menominee 
shooting is in nature and in interpretation quite similar to that of the 
Winnebago; while the Omaha presents a number of variations from 
the type. 

In the Ojibwa-Menominee ceremonies the shooting ritual is always 
associated with the admission of a new member. This includes, of 
course, also the initiation of individuals into higher degrees, wherever 
such exist. The shooting is done principally by the newly initiated 
individual, because he is supposed to be trying his powers. There 
occurs, besides this, a general shooting, in which all members indulge, 
and which is supposed to increase their shooting powers. The 
strengthening of their power is supposed to resist the effects of the 
shot. Among the Omaha this general shooting is unassociated with 
initiation, while among the Winnebago it is found associated both with 
initiation and with the basic ceremony. It is therefore of considerable 

1 S. R. Riggs, Dakota Grammar and Texts. 

2 Hoffman, in Annual Report of Bureau of American Ethnology, vol. vii. 

3 Ibid., vol. xiv. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 177 

importance to understand what relation this general shooting ritual 
bears to the specific shooting associated with initiation. Shooting 
is either an element primarily associated with initiation, and after- 
wards separated, or it is some general element that has become 
associated with any of a large number of other cultural elements. 
In order to determine this, we have next to examine with what ele- 
ments shooting becomes associated. 

Among the Kwakiutl l there is a dance in which an individual 
(ma'maq'a) throws disease into the people. This disease is repre- 
sented by some object, either a stick or a harpoon-head. The shooting 
has precisely the same effect as in the Medicine Dance. No associ- 
ation of shooting of any kind occurs with initiation into a society. 

The Kwakiutl example brings up the real question involved in 
the shooting. To what extent is the shooting ritual of the Medicine 
Dance of the Winnebago merely one of the forms of disease-throwing 
which is so common a practice of sympathetic magic? The Central 
Algonkin Midewiwin are really loose associations of men and women, 
whose powers are obtained more from individual revelations obtained 
outside of the Midewiwin than from the benefits of membership in 
that society. Shamanistic practices appear to form an integral part 
of this society. But apart from this, the shooting of disease, or of 
any malignant power, at an enemy, is an extremely common feature 
among the Central Algonkin as it is among all other American shamans. 
The question that presents itself is, whether the shooting, as found 
in the Ojibwa-Menominee and Winnebago Medicine Societies, is not 
one aspect of this same general shamanistic practice. 

To judge from the speeches and the songs of these societies, the 
main religious function is to obtain the power to resist the influence 
of the shot. The muscular contortions and the various movements 
the individual shot at goes through, are intended to be symbolical of 
this resistance. What the members expect to obtain are powers 
sufficiently strong to resist any malignant influences that they might 
meet in the general course of a lifetime; that is, we are dealing with a 
very general manifestation of shamanism, and we ought therefore not 
to be surprised to find it wherever shamanism occurs, either entirely 
unassociated, or associated with a large number of different elements. 
We find it unassociated in a large number of places scattered over 
North America. Among the Kwakiutl it is associated with a certain 
dance; among the Central Algonkin and Winnebago, with initiation. 
If it can now be shown that among the Omaha, and among the Winne- 
bago also, we find it again in a different association, then the association 
of shooting with an initiation ritual will have to be regarded as one 

1 Boas, The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians 
(Annual Report of the U. S. National Museum for iSgj, p. 485)- 



178 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

of a number of complexes into which shooting has entered. Whether, 
in a specific case, shooting, or the initiation-shooting complex, is 
historically related to a similar ritual among other tribes, is a question 
that only direct historical evidence or a strong historical probability 
can determine. The presence of shooting in a number of different 
ceremonies, however, will not in itself demonstrate any relationship 
between these ceremonies. 

We will now examine the nature of the complex with which shooting 
is associated in the night division of the general ceremony of the 
Winnebago Medicine Dance and in the Omaha Pebble and Shell 
Society. 

A large number of the societies among the Winnebago and Omaha 
are based on the common possession of revelations from the same 
animal. We may have a society "of those who have had communica- 
tion with the Thunders," or with the Nights, or with the Grizzly Bear, 
or what not. The bond of such a society is generally expressed out- 
wardly, by the possession of some "gift" which is intimately connected 
with the animal, be it a head-dress, a tail, facial decorations, or the 
right to the use of a certain drum, etc. The only society among 
the Winnebago where no revelation is required for admission is the 
Medicine Dance. There are, however, a number of elements which 
connect the Medicine Dance with the other type of society so common 
among the Winnebago. For instance, there is an outward mark of mem- 
bership; namely, the otter-skin and the " migis." l On the warpath the 
Winnebago wraps the otter-skin around his shoulder to signify that, as a 
member of the Medicine Dance, he is protected from the attacks of 
his enemies. In the shooting ritual of the night division of the general 
ceremony of the Medicine Dance, and in the Medicine Feast, there 
are a number of features similar to those of the Winnebago Buffalo, 
Grizzly Bear, Night, etc., Societies. From the point of view of organi- 
zation, the only difference would seem to be, that, instead of a common 
bond lying in a supernatural communication, it lies here in the mutual 
shooting. If we wished to describe the Medicine Dance in terms of 
Winnebago society norms, we might call it a "society of those who 
shoot one another." The shooting forms an integral part of the 
ritualistic complex, much in the same way as do the set songs and the 
set speeches. In the basic ritual of the day ceremony, the shooting 
occurs in two combinations, — on the one hand, as an initiation-shoot- 
ing-complex, set off more or less from the general ceremony; and, on 
the other hand, in a complex that is a repetition of one which occurs 
at night, and which forms unquestionably the basic portion of the 

1 Migis is the Ojibwa term for the shell used in the Midewiwin. It is employed here 
as a convenient term to designate the objects used by the Winnebago and Omaha in shoot- 
ing. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 179 

entire Medicine Dance. We will return to a discussion of this sub- 
sequently. 

Shooting in the Omaha Pebble and Shell Societies is associated 
precisely in the same manner as in the basic ritual of the Medicine 
Dance. In the Pebble Society we have, as a matter of fact, exactly 
the condition which we assumed might perhaps be the correct inter- 
pretation of the Medicine Dance. The society is named "Those who 
shoot the Pebble." In the Shell Society the bond of union is simi- 
larly the shooting, the society being called "Those who shoot with 
a Shell." 

It therefore seems quite probable, taking into account the fact that 
three Siouan (one Winnebago and two Omaha) societies present a 
shooting feature in their basic rituals, that this ritualistic complex is 
a general characteristic of this area. To sum up, a shooting ritual 
has entered into a complex quite different from that existing among the 
Kwakiutl, Central Algonkin Midewiwin, and in one part of the day 
ceremony of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. We must therefore 
conclude that the association of shooting with initiation is merely 
one of many possible associations, and that the shooting found in 
the basic complex must be regarded as historically different from the 
shooting found in the initiation complex. 

Returning to the question of shooting as associated with an initia- 
tion ritual, it must be granted that it is somewhat improbable that 
this particular association should have arisen independently among 
two tribes living in closely contiguous geographical areas. We may 
therefore assume that the Winnebago either borrowed from the Central 
Algonkin, or vice versa. All indications point to the former as having 
been the case. 

The shooting, then, as found in the societies discussed, is merely 
one phase of sympathetic magic. A cultural element common to a 
very large area has become associated with a special significance and 
with special ceremonies. For the cultural areas discussed, this as- 
sociation seems to have developed into two types of complexes, — 
the shooting-initiation complex of the Central Algonkin, and the basic 
complex of the Omaha and Winnebago. 

IV. The Initiation Ritual. — The elements common to the Central 
Algonkin Midewiwin and to the Winnebago Medicine Dance consist 
of two parts, — an initiation and a shooting. Of these, the shooting 
was shown to have been a more or less free element, capable among 
other tribes of entering into an indefinite number of associations; that, 
indeed, in the Medicine Dance itself, it had become associated with 
two different ritualistic complexes. We have already examined the 
shooting ritual; and we will therefore proceed to examine the initiation 



180 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ritual, in order to understand its precise significance and its position 
in the general ceremony and in the complete ceremonial complex of 
the Medicine Dance. 

i . Ojibwa-Menominee. — The simplicity of the organization of the 
Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin impresses one at a glance. Only a small 
number of individuals take active part. It is similarly impossible 
to discern any elaborate ritual. A few ritualistic myths are told, 
some songs sung, speeches delivered, and then preparations are 
made for the shooting of the novice. The ceremony practically ends 
as soon as the shooting terminates. In this semi-public performance 
there is practically only one ritualistic complex, that of the shooting- 
initiation. The only purpose of this complex seems likewise to be 
the initiation of an individual into the Midewiwin. 

This initiation ritual, we know, is only the terminal element in a 
long course of instruction which the novice must go through. It is 
during this instruction that the specific teachings and practices of the 
Midewiwin are elucidated, and it is then that the symbolism used in 
the bark records is explained. 

These teachings and practices, apart from some ethical teachings 
of the most general nature, vary with each mide. In each case the 
novice is taught the mide's individual songs, his particular tricks and 
practices, his specific herbs, and the uses to which he puts them. 
The bond connecting the teaching of the mides is of the loosest nature. 

When the instruction is over (and it is over as soon as the novice 
has exhausted the wealth he expects to spend in each particular case), 
the novice is ready for initiation. But into what is he really being 
initiated? It would seem purely into the powers purchased from a 
certain mide. If this particular mide did not chance to be a member 
of the Midewiwin, the same or an extremely similar method of trans- 
ference of personal powers would be gone through. In other words, 
the novice is being initiated into the status of a mide. If one may 
speak of any formal initiation here, it consists in giving to the new 
mide some object which is generally regarded as a symbol of the pre- 
ceptor's power. It may be a medicine-pouch, or herbs, or anything, 
in fact. But is this not precisely what takes place at the initiation 
into the Midewiwin? There, a person is presented with the "migis" 
and otter-skin bag, which is symbolical of the powers of a certain 
type of shaman, the mide. 

The Midewiwin, from this point of view, is hardly a society at all. 
It does, nevertheless, possess some of the essential characteristics of a 
society: a number of individuals form a rather definite unit, owing to 
their possessing in common a number of ritualistic myths, a symbol 
and common status, in the eyes of outsiders. 

As a society, the Midewiwin presents no such unit as does the 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 



181 



definite organization of the Winnebago Medicine Dance or the Omaha 
Shell and Pebble Societies. The bond of unity in the Midewiwin lies 
in the fact that all members are mide. An individual is a mide, 
however, not by reason of membership in the Midewiwin. The 
powers that make him a mide have nothing to do with the Midewiwin 
at all. They are purely personal. The Midewiwin is primarily, then, 
an association of mide; not of individuals who have become mide 
because they belong to that society. It is because of this fact that 
the individuality of the members is so potent a factor, and it is because 
of this fact that no strong ceremonial unit exists. It is for the same 
reason that initiation into the society presents, in all its essentials, 
the picture of a normal transference of individual mide power. 

Historically I do not doubt that it really is such a transference. 
As the idea of the Midewiwin as a ceremonial unit developed more 
definitely, the individual transference of the individual mide power 
may have become associated with initiation into the Midewiwin itself. 
It is perfectly natural, when all the mide became members of the Mide- 
wiwin, that the transference of power should not have been thought 
of apart from the society to which the mide belonged. It thus fol- 
lowed that obtaining knowledge from a mide would be synonymous 
with joining the Midewiwin. 

As the Midewiwin grew in popularity, and as all the mide and a 
majority of the other members of the tribe joined it, there came to 
be associated with it certain specific benefits, that had in themselves 
nothing at all to do with the mide, but which were generally charac- 
teristic of Central Algonkin culture. The association of these specific 
benefits played necessarily an important part in the history of the 
society, because it meant that an individual, in joining the society, 
obtained much more than certain mide pow T ers. He obtained, in fact, 
all the mide powers, plus those specific benefits which membership 
in the Midewiwin now brought with it. Through the transference of 
the objects symbolical of the mide's power, — "the migis" and the 
otter-skin bag, — shooting now initiated him not only into the status 
of a mide, but also into that of a member of a society with an esoteric 
ritual. The shooting itself no longer bore the impress of a general 
shamanistic practice, but stood as a symbol of initiation into a society. 
At the transference of individual shamanistic power, shooting did 
not occur. It must consequently have become associated with initia- 
tion when the loose union of the mide developed into a more or less 
definite society. 

Summing up briefly, we may be justified in saying that the initiation 
ritual of the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin is a transference of indi- 
vidual power as found among the individual mide, modified by the 
addition of another element, the shooting-incident. The initiation 

VOL. XXIV. NO. 92. 13 



1 82 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

can in no way be regarded as necessarily associated with shooting, 
but this association will have to be regarded as simply a characteristic 
of the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. In other words, just as "shoot- 
ing" may enter into an indefinite number of associations, conditioned 
by the cultural individuality of an area, so initiation may similarly 
enter into an indefinite number of combinations. 

2. Shell Society. — In the Shell Society of the Omaha there is no 
specific initiation ceremony. According to the origin legend, an 
animal appears to a family consisting of father, mother, and four 
children, and helps them to obtain food. They, in order to show their 
gratitude, offer him their children. The children are subsequently 
shot and killed. As they lie on the shore of a lake, four tremendous 
waves sweep them away. They afterwards emerge from the midst 
of the lake, and assure their parents that, although they are dead, 
they are quite content, and they would advise them to put off their 
mourning, return to their own tribe, and form a society. They could 
obtain new members by selling to other people the powers they had 
obtained. The shooting that occurs in the ceremony proper, and 
which is interpreted by the Omaha as a dramatic representation of the 
shooting of the four children, has nothing to do with initiation into 
the society. Initiation consists entirely in the transference of certain 
knowledge and symbols by one of the owners of the society to any 
individual who is considered eligible, and who has paid the requisite 
price. 

As a matter of fact, only members are shot. The shooting, what- 
ever may have been its original significance, is here but one element 
in an intricate ritualistic complex similar to the basic ritual of the 
Winnebago Medicine Dance. Its purpose seems to be exclusively that 
of "strengthening" the powers of the members. 

Anything approaching the dramatic initiation into the Midewiwin 
does not exist. Admission into the society is in no way connected 
with the shooting ritual, although the shooting ritual is actually found 
in the society. 

3. Pebble Society. — The nature of initiation into the Pebble Society 
is not definitely known. As membership, however, depends upon 
supernatural communications from the same animal, it probably is the 
same as that found among other Omaha societies of the same kind. 
Initiation would thus consist in the obtaining of the supernatural 
communication itself. Every person who has had a supernatural 
communication with a spirit — in this particular case, the water spirit 
— is eligible for membership into the society. Shooting is found, but 
it is in no way connected with admission or initiation into the society. 
It has, it would seem, practically the same significance as in the Shell 
Society. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 183 

4. Medicine Dance. — In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, member- 
ship does not depend upon supernatural communication of any kind, 
but must be purchased from the leader of one of the five bands. A 
long preparation is necessary, lasting in olden times as long as four 
years. The individual is then initiated into certain of the teachings 
of the society. It makes no difference into which of the five bands 
he is initiated. The knowledge he obtains will, to all intents and 
purposes, be the same, excluding certain songs. This does not mean, 
of course, that there may not be information belonging to the member 
as an individual, which is taught to the novice; but it is understood 
that any powers belonging specifically to an individual, and which 
the novice wishes to purchase, have primarily no connection with the 
society. As every leader is likely to be a prominent shaman as well 
as a member of the Medicine Dance, it would be quite impossible to 
draw a hard and fast line between what belongs specifically to him as 
a shaman, and what belongs to him as a member of the Medicine 
Dance. However, it is generally understood that a leader is initiating 
an individual into those powers that are the special property of the 
society. 

As among the Ojibwa-Menominee, initiation is accompanied by a 
formal transfer of a "shell" and of an otter-skin bag. Externally 
the general ceremony of the Medicine Dance might consequently be 
regarded as similar to the semi-public ceremony of the Midewiwin. 
There are two features, however, which stand out prominently in the 
general ceremony of the former, which must be explained before we 
can accept this external similarity as real. They are, first, the peculiar 
position of the initiation ritual of the general ceremony; and, secondly, 
the presence of another ritual, the basic ritual, and the importance 
it assumes. 

Precisely the same ritual that we found among the Ojibwa-Menomi- 
nee — the initiation-shooting complex; that is, initiation associated 
with shooting, the transference of the otter-skin bag and of a shell, 
plus a number of incidental elements — occurs in the general ceremony. 
This complex intervenes between the performance of the basic ritual by 
the North and West Bands. There is absolutely nothing in the ba ic 
ritual preceding or following the initiation that could possibly be inter- 
preted as a preparation for the latter. As it is found there, the initiation 
seems quite out of place, and conveys forcibly the impression of being 
intrusive. The general ceremony is by no means terminated when 
initiation is over; but the West Band continues with its performance 
of the basic ritual as though there had been no interruption, even 
though the interval between North's and West's performance of the 
basic ritual generally lasts a number of hours. The initiation ritual 
is, on the whole, treated as an incidental feature. It ran certainly 



1 84 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

not be the main or most important ritual of the general ceremony. 
As a matter of fact, it occurs only in the day ritual of that ceremony. 
In the night ritual it is absent. A ritual of which shooting is one of 
the essential features occurs in the latter, but, as we shall see later, 
this has nothing to do with the initiation. 

That the shell and the shooting are unquestionably considered 
necessary and essential for initiation, is borne out conclusively by 
the numerous references in the speeches. We must therefore not 
permit the position of the initiation ritual in the general ceremony 
to interfere with its interpretation as a real initiation into the society. 
However, this position may have been due to secondary causes. It 
is quite impossible to determine them definitely now; but it is possible, 
by studying the significance and nature of the basic ritual, to explain 
to a very large extent the reason for the position of the initiation ritual. 

The basic ritual is a definite ceremonial complex, which constitutes 
the most conspicuous unit of the Medicine Dance. Both in the 
night and the day ritual of the general ceremony, each individual 
band repeats it, and in both cases the ceremony terminates as soon 
as the last band has finished it. A number of other rituals separate 
the various performances of the basic ritual, and even intervene be- 
tween the separate constituent elements of the ritual itself. In each 
case, nevertheless, the basic ritual is continued as soon as the disturbing 
ritual has been removed. It is for these reasons that it seems to me 
unquestionable that we are dealing here with the essential ritualistic 
unit of the general ceremony. What strengthens this impression is the 
fact that a ritualistic complex similar in its general nature, although 
not in the component elements of which it is made up, is found in 
almost all the other societies of the Winnebago. In the Buffalo, 
Grizzly Bear, Ghost, and Night Societies, there is a basic ritual of 
essentially the same functions and significance. In all these societies, 
likewise, objects of specific value to the members are passed from one 
individual to another; and this "passing" is accompanied by songs, 
speeches, and ritualistic details. Although the complex differs for 
each society, it nevertheless presents a definite ritualistic unit, which 
must be repeated by each person, or each band belonging to the 
society, as the case may be. 

To judge from the general tenor of the speeches, the purpose of the 
ritual in every one of these societies is the "strengthening" of powers 
obtained in a vision. Now, the tenor of the speeches in the basic 
ritual of the Medicine Dance is precisely of the same nature; and 
as we have there, in addition, the characteristic passing of the "bless- 
ing," — that is, the passing of the drum, the gourds, and the associate 
actions, speeches, songs, and dances; in other words, the means of 
assuring the continuance and the strengthening of the specific powers, 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 185 

— there can be little doubt that the basic ritual is essentially the 
same for all these societies. 

Of course, the demonstration that the basic ritual is at present 
the main and most important ritual in the Medicine Dance, does not 
prove that it is historically primary. There are, however, a number 
of facts that speak in favor of this assumption. In the first place, 
it is undoubtedly the characteristic ceremonial complex of all Winne- 
bago societies, and likewise of a large number of societies among 
other Siouan tribes; and, secondly, it is associated with an organization 
that is typical of other Winnebago societies. It differs from these 
primarily in the fact that membership is purchased, and not obtained 
through supernatural communication from some animal. Even the 
absence of the customary manner of admission might perhaps be 
hypothetically accounted for, for we have an interesting instance of 
the disappearance of the "vision" qualification in the Night Dance. 
The Night Dance, now known as the Sore-Eye Dance, previously 
required for admission a vision from the night spirits. This qualifica- 
tion has now disappeared, and its place has been taken by purchase, 
pure and simple, as in the case of the Medicine Dance. Now, it is 
possible that the same development may have taken place for the 
Medicine Dance. In the absence of any such positive evidence, 
however, as has been adduced for the Night Dance, this assumption 
can only be regarded as a possible explanation. 

If the basic ritual is to be regarded as the principal and characteristic 
feature of the Medicine Dance and as historically primary, then the 
intrusive character of the initiation ritual may be explained by regard- 
ing it as secondarily associated. We are of course in no position to say 
in what way this association occurred, and we are therefore not in a 
position to tell whether the initiation ritual was associated from the 
very beginning in such a way as to perform the functions of a normal 
initiation into a society, or whether it was at first a purely adventitious 
addition with no special significance. 

If it was regarded from the very beginning as an initiation, there 
seems no reason why it should have been given the position in the 
general ceremony that it now possesses. It consequently seems better 
to regard its position as older than the references made in the speeches 
to its functions as an initiation into this specific Winnebago society. 

There can be little doubt that the initiation-complex of the Medicine 
Dance was borrowed from the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. We 
may consequently conclude that, notwithstanding the present inter- 
pretation of the initiation as an initiation into the Medicine Dance, 
it is historically really an initiation ritual of one ceremony that has 
become secondarily associated with another. In support of this, it 
can be pointed out that no initiation bearing the slightest resemblance 



1 86 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to this one, occurs in any other of the numerous Winnebago societies, 
and that the Medicine Dance really possesses two initiations, — the one 
being the purchase of membership; and the other, that mentioned 
above. It might also be added that non-members never speak of the 
shooting as an initiation. To them the shooting always appears as a 
shamanistic practice associated with the "strengthening" of power. 
The esoteric interpretation, however, regards this "secondary" initia- 
tion as primary. 

Summing up briefly the results of the analysis of the three initiations 
discussed, we must emphasize again the fact that we are dealing with 
initiations essentially different in nature. In the Ojibwa-Menominee 
it is evidently a formal transfer of shamanistic powers from one 
individual to another, which has subsequently become synonymous 
with admission into the social status of a mide and then with admission 
into a society. In the Shell Society the transfer of powers is analogous 
to the purchase of specific powers by one individual from another; 
and as these have become associated with a society, the individual 
buying them purchased at the same time admission into the society. 
In the Pebble Society, initiation is synonymous with the acquisition 
of power through supernatural communication from some animal. 
There is no transfer at all, except in so far as the spirit animal transfers 
something to the person fasting. Initiation is connected simply with 
the individual. No initiation into the society exists. In the Winne- 
bago Medicine Dance, whatever may have been the primary method 
of initiation, we have to-day a definite initiation like that found in the 
Midewiwin. This, however, has been borrowed from another cere- 
mony, and secondarily associated. Even now it is not in its proper 
organic position in the general ceremony, despite the fact that an 
esoteric re-interpretation has transformed it into a specific initiation 
into the Medicine Dance. 

Initiation is thus seen to be both a concept and a ritualistic complex, 
varying considerably in different tribes. As a ritualistic complex, 
it has entered freely into innumerable associations, which can only 
be determined by a study of each specific ceremony. The same holds 
true with regard to the concept of initiation. It is also apparent that 
the concept has a marked influence in determining the nature of the 
ritualistic complex connected with it, and vice versa. In both cases, 
then, we have to examine not merely the nature of these two phenomena 
in a given area, but likewise whether they represent historically 
primary concepts and complexes, before we can make any attempt 
to investigate what are the concepts that underlie all initiations. 

V. The General Ceremony. — In the foregoing remarks we have 
dealt with the nature and significance of those specific rituals that go 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 187 

to make the larger complex we have called the "general ceremony." 
We will now proceed to examine the nature and significance of this 
general ceremony itself. 

1. Ojibwa-Menominee. — The general ceremony of the Ojibwa- 
Menominee Midewiwin is to all intents and purposes the initiation 
ritual itself. There is really no other ritualistic complex with which 
it is associated; nor is there any feature which interrupts in any way 
the dramatic progress of events from the beginning, to the actual 
initiation of the new member. In reality this general ceremony must 
be looked upon solely as the completion of a long course of preparatory 
instruction. Nothing, indeed, accentuates the minor part which the 
actual "society" aspect of the Midewiwin plays than this slight 
development of the general ceremony. The long course of preparatory 
instruction, in which the shaman, as an individual, plays the major 
part, seems practically to be the main feature. 

2. Shell Society. — In the Shell Society the general ceremony 
consists of a large number of ritualistic complexes. The basic ritual 
runs like a red line through the w r hole, and with this are associated 
the following rituals: the passing of the invitation-sticks, the opening 
of the pack by the keepers, the circling of the fire "by the four chil- 
dren," the filling of the wooden bowl with water, and finally the shoot- 
ing. Both the secret and the public ceremonies consist almost exclu- 
sively of the shooting, and of the "passing" of the drum and the 
ritualistic details associated with it. The meeting terminates as soon 
as the last of the five ceremonial bands has finished this basic ritual. 

3. Pebble Society. — In the Pebble Society the characteristic passing 
of the drum likewise occurs, and with it occur the details connected 
with it, as well as the preparation for shooting and the actual shooting. 
The number of ritualistic complexes is much smaller than in the Shell 
Society. However, this may be due to the meagreness of our informa- 
tion. As contrasted with the marked unity of action displayed in the 
Shell Society, we find here a marked tendency for individual develop- 
ment, that is perhaps to be expected, considering that the bond of 
union (namely, the powers obtained through common visions) is a 
rather vague one from the point of view of organization. 

4. Medicine Dance. — In the Medicine Dance the general ceremony 
includes, in addition to the basic and initiation rituals, a secret cere- 
mony that takes place outside of the lodge itself. As in the Shell 
and Pebble Societies, there are here also two sessions, but both seem 
to be secret. 

The significance of the general ceremony mentioned is the perform- 
ance of a ritual for a variety of purposes, the principal of which 
are, first, purely the perpetuation of the ritual; and, secondly, the 
"strengthening" and renewal of certain special powers. These two 



1 88 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

seem to be pre-eminently the functions of those Omaha and Winnebago 
societies that are based upon common visions. In the former the 
element of initiation plays no part at all. The meetings of the society 
take place at almost any convenient time of the year. For the Winne- 
bago the element of initiation is more pronounced. The meetings 
are called for two reasons, — either for the purpose of initiating a 
member, or for the purpose of acquiring additional powers. 

In each case the general complexes are different, and in each case 
they depend upon associations that are both historically and psycho- 
logically determined by the specific cultural characteristics of the area 
in question. 

VI. The Complete Ceremonial Complexes. — The general cere- 
mony is only one element in an extremely elaborate complex. Its 
position in this complex has been touched upon before. We have 
now, however, to examine this complex itself, and to see what are 
the ritualistic elements that form it. And in this final complex we 
have again to see whether there is a tendency for certain elements to 
be associated in a definite manner; and, if this proves to be the case, 
how this definite association is to be interpreted. 

i. Ojibwa. — The Ojibwa Midewiwin consists of a long course of 
preparation, and a formal public initiation into a society containing 
four degrees. We have seen that the preparation is entirely shaman- 
istic in character, and that the general public ceremony is to all intents 
and purposes as much an initiation into the status of a mide as 
it is into a society. This interpretation is again strengthened by the 
marked association of the general ceremony with shamanistic tricks. 
Among the Cree it appears that this function of the Midewiwin is of 
prime importance. 1 In the "degrees" we have another confirmation 
of its shamanistic character. The four degrees are merely the four 
instalments in which an old shaman sells his knowledge and power. 
The number 4 has no especial significance, except in so far as it is the 
sacred number of the tribe. Miss Densmore 2 found eight degrees among 
another division of the Ojibwa; and the number will doubtless be 
found to vary from division to division. The requirements for admis- 
sion into the second, third, and fourth degrees, are greater payments, 
and greater evidences of religious fitness. The possessors of the various 
degrees do not form distinct classes. Those of the first degree alone, 
possess one degree only. There is no passing from one to another 
degree, but simply an addition of degrees, so that an individual with 
the fourth degree possesses all the other degrees; in other words, 

1 Alanson Skinner (MS.). 

2 Frances Densmore, "Chippewa Music" (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 45). 
Washington, Government, 1910. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 189 

degrees are merely marks of increased power. It is for this reason 
that an initiation practically the same as that for the first degree is 
necessary for the other degrees. The fact that a new initiation into 
the society is necessary for each degree, and that the distinctions 
represented by the degrees are merely transferences of increased sha- 
manistic powers, differing accordingly as they have been obtained from 
one or another shaman, emphasizes strongly the specific shamanistic 
nature of theMidewiwin. 

As we have said before, the Midewiwin is a society, not so much 
because it is an association of mide, but because there have come 
to be associated with it certain functions of a religious and social 
nature, setting it off as a unit. The fact that the members are mide 
will, of course, have an enormous influence on some of the functions 
that the society is supposed to possess. 

The powers of the individual mide are those connected with the 
healing of wounds, the curing of disease, the ability to transform one's 
self into any animal or object at will, the performance of seemingly im- 
possible tricks, and lastly the practice of evil magic. In the teachings of 
the individual mide in his role as a member of the Midewiwin, all these 
elements are present; but there are, in addition, two other powers 
which are specifically Midewiwin functions, — namely, the power to 
prolong life, and the power to assure a successful passage to the future 
world. The power of prolonging life is not supposed to be an effect 
of the shooting. The belief is, that membership in the society, and 
the proper observance of the ritual and precepts, will enable an in- 
dividual to surmount successfully the crises of life and [the evil 
designs of his enemies. Just as the proper observance of ritual and 
precepts prolongs life, so it will likewise insure the safe passage of a 
soul from this to a future world. According to William Jones, "it 
was believed that the soul followed a path to go to the spirit world, 
and that the path was beset with dangers to oppose the passage of the 
soul; but that it was possible to overcome the obstacles by the use 
of the formulas which could be learned only in the Midewiwin." l 

To assert dogmatically that these two powers do not come within 
the scope of the individual mide, may perhaps be unwarranted; but 
at present the evidence among the Ojibwa is certainly negative. 
However, the Midewiwin is considered to be intimately associated 
with these specific functions. They are not associated with the specific 
powers of the mide. In reality, they are the general religio-magical 
possessions of the tribe, that have been secondarily associated with 
the Midewiwin. 

2. Menominee. — Practically all that has been said of the Ojibwa 
applies in equal degree to the Menominee Midewiwin. But two impor- 

1 Annual Archaeological Report, 1005 (Report of Minister of Education, Ontario), p. 146. 



190 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

tant differences are noticeable, — first, a member is always succeeded by 
a near relative ; and, secondly, not only is the Midewiwin connected with 
the function of insuring the safe passage to the future world, but the 
ceremony itself begins at the grave of the deceased member as 
soon as the mortuary rites are over. They may even be regarded as a 
continuation of the same. 

3. Shell Society. — In the Shell Society the organization, in contra- 
distinction to the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, is not based on 
individuals as such, but on definite ceremonial group units. There 
are five to-day, but there seem to have been more formerly. 

We find a fourfold designation for the lodges. They are known 
to-day as those of the eldest son or sun, second son or stars, daughter 
or moon, and youngest son or earth. Sometimes, however, these same 
are known in order as Black-Bear, Elk, Buffalo, and Deer Lodge. 
The first "old man's lodge" (uju) is also known as that of the Eagle. 

The general ceremony has been described before, and we will there- 
fore proceed to discuss what appears to be the purpose of the society, 
what powers its members possessed, and with what functions it was 
associated. 

The definite purpose of the society seems to be the performance of a 
certain ritual. That in addition there is likewise the desire to increase 
or at least strengthen the powers received at purchase, is extremely 
probable, but this cannot be definitely stated. What can be definitely 
stated, however, is the fact that an absolutely essential condition 
for efficacy of the powers obtained is the performance of the ritual; 
and in this it is radically distinct from the Midewiwin, for there the 
powers obtained from the shaman have no relation to the ritual. 
The efficacy then, of the powers, remains always what it was when 
taught to the new member. 

In discussing what the powers of the members are, it is again essential 
to distinguish what they possess by virtue of membership, and what 
they possess as individuals. We should most naturally expect that 
certain conceptions, certain cultural possessions, belong to a large 
body of Omaha. If, then, we find them in a certain society, it is 
most natural to assume that they have not been obtained by reason 
of membership therein, but that this society will reflect general Omaha 
ideas. This or that society may emphasize certain ideas, and may 
develop them along certain lines, but it certainly does not originate 
them. They have no relation of cause and effect to any particular 
society. This has sometimes been assumed to be the case, and such 
a view comes out clearly in Miss Fletcher's x statement that all secret 
societies among the Omaha dealt more or less with magic as well as 
with healing by means of herbs and roots. It is palpably not because 

1 Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1905-06), vol. xxvii. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 191 

they are secret societies that their members have developed any such 
tendencies, but because, as secret societies, they reflected Omaha 
customs and modes of thought. For the same reason Miss Fletcher's 
conclusion, that because in both the Shell and Pebble Societies shaman- 
istic tricks are performed, they may possibly be historically connected, 
is unwarranted. The observance of shamanistic tricks is so general a 
phenomenon, that all that can be said, when two societies are found 
emphasizing them, is that two societies emphasized or developed one 
or many Omaha customs. There is no need of assuming any historical 
connection unless this has been shown to be the case. 

Let us now return to what is distinctive in the powers of a member 
of the Shell Society. 

The name of the society is "Those-who-have-.the-Shell." It is the 
possession of the shell that separates them from other societies. 
In the ideas clustering around the powers of this object we are most 
likely to find one of the important specific advantages of membership. 
As far as can be gathered from Miss Fletcher's account, the shell is 
connected with certain magical qualities. It is difficult to say what 
specific magical qualities are meant. However, to judge from the na- 
ture of the general ceremony and the songs, we are really dealing with 
magic in its most general sense, but connected in this case with a specific 
object, a shell; that is, we might imagine hypothetically that the 
society originated in connection with the vision of an individual, in 
which the magical power was associated with a shell. The same 
power might, in the case of another individual, be associated with 
a drum, a flute, a gourd, a stone, or what not. Apart from dif- 
ference in ritualistic detail, and in the nature of some of the elements 
that go to make up the general ritualistic complex, it is this association 
of magical powers with one object in one case, and with another in 
another case, that constitutes the difference between the various 
Omaha societies. 

To illustrate how general is the magical power of the shell in the 
Shell Society, and how essential is the specific object possessing the 
magic, we will give the following instances. In the origin myth, 
shooting is supposed to kill the "children;" in the general ceremony 
it probably serves to strengthen powers already acquired; in the 
ceremony for punishing offenders, of which we shall speak later, it is 
merely an example of sympathetic magic. 

Together with the magic specifically associated with the shell, the 
members exercised individual magic; as, for example, killing a horse 
because its owner had offended him, or killing another member by 
magically having a snake hidden near the place where the other was 
accustomed to work. These instances of the exercise of magic must 
not, however, be considered as specific of the society. 



192 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

In addition to the association of the Shell Society with magic in 
its more general aspect, and also in its application to some specific 
object, we find it associated with general shamanistic practices, with 
conceptions relating to life after death, and with a magical ceremony 
for punishing offenders. The shamanistic practices have been dwelt 
on before. All that can be said about the connection of the society 
with ceremonies performed upon the death of a member is, that the 
deceased is carried to a tent in which the regular ceremonial is gone 
through. 1 Whether this ceremony has any definite connection with 
ideas relating to the journey of the soul to the future world, is not 
known. 

By far the most interesting ceremony associated with the Shell 
Society is that for punishing offenders. 2 The main purpose seems to 
be the punishment of an individual "in order to keep the people in 
order and check crime, such as molesting wives or daughters and 
destroying property and so causing mischief in the tribe." This was 
effected through a sacred figure supposed to represent the society. . . . 
"The arms contained poisons for punishment, and the leg the magic 
shells which made it possible to administer this punishment. . . . When a 
man committed an offence that seemed to demand punishment, the 
society met at night, and if it had determined to punish the man, then 
this figure was brought out." 3 Now, it must be borne in mind that 
there is here no suggestion of any legal procedure, but merely, as 
we shall see, an application of the magical powers of the society to a 
very specific social purpose. Punishment consisted in causing the 
offender to become sick through the application of poison to a figure 
supposed to symbolize him, which is drawn on the earth. This figure 
was subsequently shot at. When the ceremony was over, the leaders 
waited until they had been informed that the offender had become sick, 
when they assembled in a tent and sang until the man died. 

In this ceremony we have again a shamanistic practice which was 
probably exercised by many members of the tribe, associated in one 
of the societies with a definite and specific function. But this specific 
function, plus the other traits that have been enumerated as charac- 
teristic of the society, go to make up a complex that is looked upon 
as a definite unit. 

4. Pebble Society. — The remarks made on the purpose of the Shell 
Society are, generally speaking, applicable to the Pebble Society. 
Instead of being attached to a shell, the magical powers are here 
attached to a translucent pebble. The possibility for a greater varia- 
bility in the nature of the powers obtained was given by the fact that all 

1 Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1905-06), vol. xxvii. 

2 In the Cheyenne Medicine Arrow Society a similar association occurs. 

3 Miss Fletcher, in Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, vol. xxvii. 






The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 

those who had had a vision of water, or its representative, the pebble 
or the water-spirit, could become members. The water-spirit was 
always associated with the granting of knowledge relating to medicinal 
herbs and the power of healing sickness generally; and we find in the 
society, consequently, a large preponderance of individuals with such 
powers. The association between these powers and some definite 
object, in this case the pebble, is not as intimate as that found to 
exist between corresponding powers and a similar object in the Shell 
Society; in other words, the shaman, as an individual, is more promi- 
nent. 

The most important association of the society is that connected 
with the curing of disease. It would be erroneous to consider this 
function as a secondary association, as it is conditioned by the fact 
that the visions from the water-spirit would necessarily be connected 
with "the powers" relating to medicinal herbs and their healing 
virtues. 

5. Medicine Dance. — The Medicine Dance, looked upon in its 
entirety, is composed of a long course of preparation (now discon- 
tinued), the Four Nights' Preparation, the sweat-bath ceremony, the 
night and the day divisions of the general ceremony, and the secret 
brush ceremony. These ceremonies have all become amalgamated 
into a more or less firm unit, whose individual characteristics we have 
touched upon before. 

The society is known in Winnebago as Manka n 'ni, the word manka n ' , 
meaning "medicine" in its medicinal aspect, as opposed to wasi', 
meaning "medicine" in its magical aspect. As far as can be seen 
from a detailed study of the rituals, no prominence seems, however, 
to be given to the therapeutic or herbalist aspect. There are, it is 
true, medicines for general therapeutic practice and for hunting, fish- 
ing, love, and especially for "bad" purposes. But in the ceremony 
as given to-day, and as described by those well versed in the ritual of 
the society, these medicines find no place. 

There is, however, a very persistent exoteric interpretation of the 
Medicine Dance, according to which the members are regarded pri- 
marily as powerful shamans concerned preferably with the practice 
of "bad" magic. In this practice they are greatly aided by the fact 
that their membership in the society increases their magical powers, 
especially that connected with the ability to transform themselves into 
all kinds of animate and inanimate objects for the furtherance of their 
evil designs. The most feared shamans — those who are distinguished 
from all others by the possession of the iron moccasins (ma n zua'gudj$) 
— belonged to this society. This exoteric interpretation does not, 
however, seem to tally with the designation mankcf'ni. Personally 
I think this term is a popular one, and has no real significance as a 



194 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

characterization of the functions of the society, at least to-day. This 
exoteric interpretation is in all probability true to a certain extent. 
It would, however, be essential to determine whether these shaman- 
istic powers are characteristic of members as individuals, and only 
secondarily connected with them as members of the society, before we 
can properly understand their significance. That membership was 
connected in any way with an increase of shamanistic powers, is 
certainly improbable. These powers are unquestionably identical 
with the general shamanistic and magical practices mentioned pre- 
viously in the Shell and Pebble Societies. 

In other words, the general shamanistic and magical beliefs of the 
tribe are found present in this society, as they are found in other 
societies. 

What would tend to minimize our considering these features as in 
any way significant of the Medicine Dance, is the fact that there has 
been no tendency to develop or emphasize any specific aspect of magic, 
and that shamanistic practices are absent and appear entirely dis- 
associated from the society. 

The purpose of the Medicine Dance is in part the desire to attain a 
long life, a safe journey to the next world, and the possibility of 
a return to this life again, preferably in human shape. All these 
benefits may be obtained by taking an active part in the ceremony, 
and by performing to the best of one's ability all the duties of a 
member. Although it is essential to participate in the entire ritual in 
order to obtain these benefits to the fullest extent, nevertheless the 
phenomena of shooting and being shot at play an especially important 
role in this connection. 

Long life means essentially the life consisting of a normal length of 
years, with all the possessions of wealth, social and intellectual dis- 
tinction, that would naturally be included. Among the Winnebago, 
this concept of years is very definite, because they believe that to 
each individual has been assigned a life containing a certain number 
of years, a certain amount of wealth, a certain number of enemies 
killed on the warpath, etc. If a man, therefore, dies before he has 
reached the end of his "predestined" life, the residue, it is hoped, 
will be distributed among his relatives. 

When in the Medicine Dance they pray for long life, what they mean 
is the ability to surmount the crises of life. Whatever may be the 
nature of these crises, — whether they relate to family disasters, sick- 
ness, old age, etc., — it is expected that they will be overcome by mem- 
bership and active participation in the society. There seems to be no 
suggestion that this is attained through the influence of magic. It is 
mere membership and obedience to the society's teachings, ambition to 
raise one's status by purchasing more and more privileges, that accom- 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 195 

plish the desired end in view. The safe journey to the future world 
and the belief in transmigration may be obtained in a similar way. If 
one performs his duties and rises to the highest distinction, he will 
have no difficulty in attaining his object and in successfully overcoming 
all the obstacles to his passage. 

The prayer for long life is specifically addressed to the Rabbit, 
the mythical founder of the society, and indirectly addressed to Earth- 
Maker (ma"" una), the spirit who sent him to clear the earth of the 
obstacles to man's progress. It is the only prayer ever addressed to 
him. No supernatural communication is possible. As a matter of 
fact, it is only in this and in the Winter Feast that Earth-Maker is 
associated with this specific power of granting long life. 

It would be quite erroneous to imagine that the prayer for long life, 
passage to the next world, and transmigration, are ideas specifically 
connected with the Medicine Dance. As a matter of fact, they con- 
stitute the characteristic cultural traits of the Winnebago, and crop 
out everywhere in the folk-lore and in the general rituals. The 
question of the safe passage to the next world is perhaps even more 
specifically associated with the Four Nights' Wake. The purpose of 
the wake is to enable the deceased to successfully overcome the four 
great obstacles on the road to the spirit home of his clan. This is 
accomplished, first, by the performance of a definite ritual; and, 
secondly, by some warrior relating one of his exploits on the war- 
path and putting at the disposal of the deceased the spirit of the man he 
had killed, to act as a servant to him. The close relation between the 
ethical worth of the deceased and of the one who relates the exploit, 
on the one hand, and the safe journey to the spirit world, on the other, 
comes out as strongly here as it does in the Medicine Dance; but it 
seems unnecessary, for that reason, to predicate any historical con- 
nection between the two. They both reflect the cultural background 
around them. 

Similarly the various elements that make up the life which the 
members of the Medicine Dance pray for, — the food-supply, the 
power of healing, success on the warpath, a normal quota of years, — 
these are all definitely associated with spirits and ceremonials. Suc- 
cess in war is associated, not with one society, but with a number of 
societies. It would, however, be manifestly erroneous and unnecessary 
to claim that it belongs essentially more to the one than to the other 
society, unless direct historical proof for such a statement were forth- 
coming. 

6. Summary. — We are now in a better position to see in what the 
nature of the complete ceremonial complex consists. The unit it 
consists of is loose in the Ojibwa-Menominee, and strong in the Shell 
and Pebble Societies and in the Medicine Dance. The specific com- 



196 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ponent elements are to a large extent different in each. It is 
utterly impossible now to discover the origin of the differences in 
the individual component elements; but it is quite clear that the 
forces tending to develop the larger ceremonial complexes have been, 
not those of a dissociation, but distinctly those of an association, of 
elements. 

These associations may be of the most diverse kind. Certain fea- 
tures may always have been associated with certain other elements, 
such as medicinal herbs and medicines with the water-spirit, as in 
the case of the Omaha and Winnebago. This, then, is for all practical 
purposes an ultimate unit. If, consequently, we find an intimate con- 
nection between a vision from the water-spirit and the practice of 
medicinal herbs, we must not consider this as a secondary association 
that has come about through the influence of a ceremony. 

In the same way, the connection of the buffalo with the magical 
renewal of the food-supply will probably have to be looked upon as 
such an ultimate unit. 

Our first object, therefore, when we find certain elements associated, 
is to determine whether there is any reason for believing that we are 
dealing with some such ultimate complex or unit. 

On the other hand, when we find a magical ceremony for punishing 
offenders (viewed from its social aspect) associated with the Shell 
Society, or mortuary ceremonies associated with the Menominee 
Midewiwin, these associations cannot be considered as being ultimately 
connected with any particular aspect of the society's function, as the 
complexes which they form exhibit an extreme variability. Their 
presence in various societies must be interpreted as secondary asso- 
ciations of some kind. As secondary associations, however, they 
may have been conditioned either by their specific nature or by the 
specific development of the society. As such we might, for 
instance, view either certain aspects of the shamanistic practices 
of the Ojibwa Midewiwin, or the mortuary ceremonies connected 
with the Menominee Midewiwin, or the punishment of offenders in 
the Shell Society. 

When, however, we find cultural phenomena, which are generally 
possessed by a tribe, associated in varying degrees with this or that 
ceremonial, this association must be looked upon as due to the influ- 
ence of the cultural environment. This influence may be conceived 
as setting in at any time during the historical development of the cere- 
mony, while the ceremony itself remains passive; as, for instance, if the 
journey to the spirit land is connected with the Medicine Dance, or with 
the wake, with the telling of truth, or with membership in a clan. 
Here it is obviously the cultural environment that has been active. 
If, however, the mide, united in an organization, develop certain 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 197 

phases of this general cultural environment, such as magic and shaman- 
istic practices, in a specific way, we have a right to credit this develop- 
ment as due to the activity of the society, and we have consequently 
a real secondary association of definite practices with an historically 
older organization. Of course, a good deal in this particular case 
would be caused by the fact that the members are mide; but after 
this historically preliminary stage, the Midewiwin became an active 
unit as a society; and in this sense, if it then specifically utilizes 
certain beliefs in a special manner, it can be said to be secondarily asso- 
ciating them. 

It is thus seen that the mechanism of the association is both psy- 
chologically and historically highly complex. One thing, however, 
seems to be quite demonstrable; namely, that there is always one 
constant element, — the specific cultural background or type of each 
tribe. 

Bearing this in mind, the similarities in the association of the Mide- 
wiwin of the Ojibwa-Menominee, the Medicine Dance of the Winne- 
bago, and the Shell and Pebble Societies of the Omaha, do not neces- 
sarily indicate an historical relationship, but would most likely tend to 
show that a number of ideas and customs were common to a large cul- 
tural area. This does not of course interfere in the least with the 
possibility of an historical connection, but this historical connec- 
tion must in each case be demonstrated. However, even if it 
were proved, an historical connection alone cannot possibly explain 
the entire phenomenon; for the cultural environment, if it is the 
same, will condition general similarities and resemblances in cere- 
monies that historically are quite unrelated, so that the convergent 
evolution thus resulting will completely obscure at times the indi- 
vidual history of a ceremony. It is, for instance, possible that his- 
torically the journey to the spirit land was connected with the wake 
among the Winnebago. The general prevalence of the same idea 
among so many social and ceremonial groups to-day, however, makes 
it unjustifiable to assume such a connection in the absence of any 
direct historical data; so that, although there is to my mind little 
doubt that these associations are all historically different, owing to 
the influence of certain general cultural ideas, they present to-day 
the same picture. 

It is quite safe to assume that, just as we have shown that the shoot- 
ing ceremony in the Medicine Dance is the borrowed initiation ritual 
of the Midewiwin, so it would be possible to demonstrate, were we in 
the possession of fuller historical data, that other elements have been 
borrowed. However, when we have demonstrated the borrowing of a 
certain element, we have only partially, and often only inadequately, 
explained it. Its further explanation is possible only in terms of the 

VOL. XXIV. NO. 92. 14 



198 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

specific type of ceremony, and of the general cultural environment with 
which it has been associated. Both of these may change. It does 
not follow that because, among the Winnebago to-day, all the societies 
are practically associations of individuals who have obtained super- 
natural communication from this or that spirit, this was therefore 
always the basis of the societies. To-day the Medicine Dance and 
the Night Spirit or Sore-Eye Dance have a different type of organiza- 
tion. Originally the latter had the former type, and the Medicine 
Dance may have had it. It is, for instance, barely possible that we 
may in this case be dealing with the beginning of a change of type of 
organization, and that, similarly, types of organization preceded that, 
whose essence to-day lies in the possession of common visions. 

We have now finished the examination of a number of definite 
ceremonies. Our object in analyzing them was to determine in what 
.the significance of the common elements lay, and what general his- 
torical and psychological tendencies were operative in their growth. 
We may now examine the results of our study in the light of Schurtz's 
theory, and examine the data upon which Schurtz based his theory 
in the light of the leading points of view emphasized above. 

VII. Resume and Conclusion. — The main thesis Schurtz sought 
to establish was the demonstration of the parallel historical develop- 
ment of society as determined by certain psychological tendencies 
of the race. It is of prime importance to remember that he claimed 
to have found certain survivals by means of which he was able to 
reconstruct the stages in the history of society. Initiation degrees, 
the exclusion of women, etc., he considered "symptomatic" of these 
stages. His main object was to prove the existence of these symp- 
toms. Wherever he found them, he was satisfied that he was deal- 
ing with vestiges of the stages through which society had passed. All 
these symptoms, according to Schurtz, had definite and specific conno- 
tations, and were associated with definite and specific stages in the 
development of society. 

We have seen, in the analysis of the ceremonies of a limited area, 
that the common elements which were supposed to be symptomatic 
of historical relationship had no such value, and that they entered 
into a number of cultural complexes historically distinct one from 
another. In the same way we will now examine the more fundamental 
symptoms — initiation, degrees, and the exclusion of women — to see 
whether any specific significance attaches to them, and whether they, 
too, have not become associated with a number of cultural complexes 
historically distinct. If they have thus become associated, then their 
value as criteria for definite stages of social evolution is nil. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 199 

1. Initiation. — It was our main purpose, in analyzing the above 
ceremonies, to examine them quite apart from any theoretical pre- 
suppositions. In so proceeding, we obtained as a resultant the 
fact that initiation connoted psychologically and historically a num- 
ber of different things, and that this difference seemed dependent 
upon the historical and psychological individuality of each tribe. To 
Schurtz, however, initiation meant primarily an initiation into puberty, 
and into that social status with which puberty has been so long and 
closely associated, — an association that seemed, historically speaking, 
almost an ultimate complex; namely, initiation into the tribe. He 
assumes that if it is found to mean anything else, then this new mean- 
ing is either a secondary association, or, preferably, an historical 
development from the first conception. Carried out logically, we 
should therefore have to consider initiation into a masonic order or 
into a college fraternity as a transformation of an original tribal 
initiation. To this, I think, Schurtz would have taken serious ex- 
ception, on the ground that we are here dealing with a purely rational 
and artificial social group. But are we not to a certain extent dealing 
with the same phenomenon in the primitive societies discussed? 

In examining a phenomenon such as initiation, we must not forget 
that it is, in a general way, absolutely conditioned by the specific 
individuality of one man as opposed to that of another. The desire 
of one man for participation in the possessions of another, or in those 
of some differentiated group, is an ultimate fact for which we need 
give no explanation. What is essential for our discussion is the realiza- 
tion that the methods of this participation are infinite, depending 
entirely upon the influence of cultural factors in the development of 
specific areas, and of institutions within them. Thus initiation into 
the Midewiwin is the transfer of certain mide powers; into the Pebble 
and other Omaha Societies, a common vision; into the Medicine 
Dance, the transfer of certain knowledge. This transfer or initiation 
is in no way different from that which takes place between two indi- 
viduals, except that in the former case we are dealing with phe- 
nomena between an individual on the one hand, and a group of 
individuals on the other. This conception of initiation has become 
associated everywhere with social and ceremonial groups. One may, 
for instance, be initiated into a clan, into a name, into a family, etc. 

To Schurtz, however, the concept of initiation is primarily associated 
with puberty. His argument is that puberty is a physiological stage 
through which every one must pass. The change to sexual maturity 
is so important a fact, that it cannot possibly have escaped any tribe. 
It follows that this physiological change must have been correlated 
with a change in the position of the individual in the tribe. He will, 
for instance, among other things, be less subjected to the influence 
of his mother, and more to that of his father, etc. 



200 Journal of A merican Folk-Lore 

All these general propositions are true; and it is also unquestionably 
true that there has been a marked tendency for ceremonies to cluster 
around that period of physiological change which we call puberty. 
Similarly, in some cultural areas there has been a secondary, or, if 
you wish, a constant association of puberty rites with a formal adop- 
tion into the tribe. In Australia, for instance, the individual does 
not become of active social importance until he has passed through cer- 
tain rites at the age of puberty. 

The essential point, however, is whether he does not always become 
of active social importance at about that age. He unquestionably 
does. We cannot, therefore, assume offhand that it is the fact of 
puberty that is being emphasized by the initiatory rites. This would 
be the case only if we could prove that puberty is invariably asso- 
ciated with some form of initiation. If it is not, then we must 
regard the clustering of the concept of initiation around the age of 
puberty, among the Australians and other tribes, as a cultural peculi- 
arity of these peoples. 1 

In other words, the beginning of the social importance of an indi- 
vidual may be associated with puberty initiation rites. Initiation 
may, however, be associated with any period of development. For 
instance, among the Christians and Semites, it is found associated 
with birth in the forms of baptism and circumcision; and just as 
with any age, so it may become associated with any social or cere- 
monial unit. It can thus become associated with entrance into a 
society; and we may consequently say that a society is only one of 
the numerous cultural elements with which initiation has become 
associated. 

It is, however, a truism to state that initiation is essential for group 
differentiation; excluding, of course, the case where membership in a 
group is not synonymous with birth. When Schurtz, therefore, re- 
constructs the evolution of initiation, and connects the initiation into 
a society with that at puberty, he must have been guided by some 
more fundamental facts than that of the presence of initiation. The 
postulation of a genetic relationship between the two initiations lay 

1 Van Gennep, in a very interesting chapter on "Initiatory Rites" (Chapter VI of his 
Les Riles de Passage), has divided puberty into two divisions, — puberte physique and 
puberte sociale, — and has shown that the age variations of both are considerable. He 
insists that many writers have considerably obscured the points at issue by confusing 
the two. Van Gennep believes that the puberte physique and puberte sociale rarely fall 
together. It seems to me that this is not entirely borne out by the facts of the case; for 
it must be remembered that, accompanying the physiological changes at puberty, there 
are mental changes which in many cases permit an individual to become of active social 
importance; and while I think that it is this social activity that is emphasized by the 
initiatory rites, nevertheless the fact must not be overlooked that this social activity often 
coincides with the physiological puberty. We must, of course, not identify physiological 
puberty with any too definite a time, but allow for considerable fluctuations. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 201 

really in the fact that he detected in the form of initiation into the 
society certain "symptoms" which he regarded as being primarily 
associated with puberty initiation. These symptoms were the pres- 
ence of "tests" as essential for admission into a society; and group- 
initiation or the initiation of a number of youths at the same time. 
That he was thinking of tests in the most general way, can be seen 
by the following statement. "Das Austeilen von Schlagen . . . im 
Duk-Duk hangt wohl mit den Mutproben der Knabenweihe zusam- 
men." 1 It is hardly necessary to insist that the test concept used in 
this generalized manner is found associated with the ordinary forms 
of eligibility; so that, wherever the idea of eligibility is associated 
with a social or ceremonial group, there it will be natural to find tests. 
There is no need of giving any examples : they must occur to every one. 
The test feature must consequently be considered so general a cultural 
possession that its association with diverse cultural phenomena is 
quite natural, and its significance will in each case depend upon specific 
conditions. We cannot, therefore, predicate any general significance 
for the association of the test feature in specific cultural complexes. 

Schurtz's second symptom comes out strongly in his discussion 
of the Ruk-Ruk Society of Northern Bougainville. 2 We have here, 
he says, a remarkable connecting link between simple men's associa- 
tions (Mannerbunde) , firmly established by puberty rites and secret 
societies. He arrives at this conclusion, because he finds it customary 
there to have a group of youths initiated into the society at the same 
time. Here both the youth of the novices and the group initiation 
are emphasized as being symptomatic of a development from former 
men's associations (Mdnnerbilnde) . 

It must, however, be remembered, as we have said before, that a 
man becomes socially active at about the age of puberty, and that his 
social activity will naturally take those channels customary in a given 
tribe. The fact that a youth enters a society like the Ruk-Ruk, to 
which most members of the tribe belong, should not excite wonder. 
As a matter of fact, we should find it necessary to explain win he did 
not join. His failure to become a member would most certainly be 
associated, in such a case, with a low social status. What is to be 
emphasized here is not the youth of the novices, but the intellectual 
development occurring at that age. This comes out clearly in the 
case of the Duk-Duk, where the parents generally purchase member- 
ship for their children immediately after birth. Young children be- 
have like regularly initiated members, but they only become active 
members at the age of sixteen. Similarly in the Winnebago Medicine 
Dance individuals may be initiated in early childhood, but it is at a 

1 Schurtz, Altersklassen und Mannerbunde, p. 376. 

2 Ibid., p. 379. 



202 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

much later period that they possess the powers of adult members. 
As a matter of fact, admission depends upon so large a number of 
factors in different societies, that it would be possible to draw up a 
table that would include all ages from birth to old age. 

In the same way the initiation of a group of individuals at one time 
depends upon too large a number of factors to permit any single 
interpretation. The burden of proof rests with Schurtz to show that 
the presence of a specific test connects the Ruk-Ruk Society with 
puberty rites, and that the presence of a group initiation in the Duk- 
Duk connects that society with the men's associations. 

Perhaps a few examples might bring out more clearly the different 
kinds of initiation. 

In the Ruk-Ruk Society the novices retire to the woods, work for 
their sponsors, lay out their plantation^, etc. They are also supposed 
to converse with spirits. 1 Similar conditions are found in the Matam- 
bala Society of the Island of Florida. 2 This retirement to the woods 
and to a holy precinct, and consequent re-appearance, are character- 
istic of a large number of initiations. The work the novice performs 
for his sponsor must also be regarded as a characteristic of this area. 
The tests of the novice have been spoken of before. They are, as 
might be expected, of the most diverse kind. In Fiji, for instance, a 
ceremonial attack upon the novices occurs, which is said to symbolize 
their death. 3 

In Africa we find many of the characteristics noted above. In the 
Purrah the novices retire to a holy precinct, and are said to endure 
extreme hardship. Only warriors thirty years of age can be initiated. 4 
In the Mumbo-Djumbo only youths older than sixteen are admitted. 6 
The other conditions are similar to those of the Purrah. In the Simo 
organization novices were circumcized and lived seven years in the 
woods. 6 In the Mwetyi Society, in addition to probations, the youths 
adopt a taboo of certain foods or drinks, to which they remain faith- 
ful ever after. 7 In the Ndembo Society novices are shot by a rattle, 
and fall down as if dead. They are then carried away to some holy 
precinct, where often as many as from twenty to fifty individuals 
remain at the same time. At this place they stay sometimes as long as 
three years. Their bodies are supposed to disintegrate during this 
time. When they are supposed to return, the shaman gathers their 
bones and restores them to life. On the return to their villages, they 
behave like unknown children, fail to recognize their relatives, to 
understand their own language, etc. 8 In the Nkimba similar condi- 
tions are found. 9 

1 Schurtz, Altersklassen und Mannerbiinde, pp. 378 ff. 

2 Ibid., p. 379. 6 Ibid., pp. 413-415. 8 Ibid., pp. 433~435. 

3 Ibid., pp. 386 ff. 6 Ibid., p. 415. 9 Ibid., pp. 435~437- 
* Ibid., pp. 410-413. 7 Ibid., pp. 430 ff. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 203 

The variability of the method and concept of initiation is thus seen 
to be enormous. It might be interesting in this connection to point 
out how certain ideas will cluster around initiation in one large geo- 
graphical area, and how the same ideas will cluster around a different 
cultural complex in another large geographical area. For instance, 
in the South Seas and in Africa, initiation is found generally asso- 
ciated with tests or probations; whereas in North America tests are 
not associated with initiation into the society, but with the obtaining 
of visions at the age of puberty. 

2. Degrees. — To Schurtz, degrees are symptomatic of age classes. 
Wherever he finds them in societies, and wherever they seem to be 
correlated with certain ages, he concludes that they are vestiges of 
former age groups. However, he seems to have overlooked one fact, 

— that the same social and individual forces that would tend 
toward the formation of societies would necessarily tend toward the 
development of distinctions within them. It will depend entirely 
upon the nature of the people and the individual history of the organi- 
zation, in what manner these distinctions will be emphasized. One 
of the possible methods of emphasizing them is marking off those with 
common possessions in some definite manner. Here, again, much will 
depend upon the kind of group into which the individual is initiated. 
If, when he enters the society, he is initiated into all that pertains to it, 
gradations will not be likely to arise. Generally, however, there is 
certainly a marked tendency for some sort of gradation, be it due to 
length of membership, insistence upon separate payments, unwilling- 
ness of the older members to impart all to a new member who may 
withal be quite young, a desire to impart piecemeal in order to enhance 
the value of the teachings, etc. Whether these possible lines of 
cleavage will associate themselves with definite markings or rites, 
is a question of individual cultural development. They may or they 
may not. In Melanesia, for instance, they did not. 

In the Ruku-Ruku 1 of the Fiji Islanders we find three gradations, 

— those of uninitiated youths, grown-up men, and old men. In the 
Purrah - there were two gradations, consisting respectively of those 
over thirty and of those over fifty years. In the Egbo 3 Society there 
are eleven degrees, into which membership may be purchased one 
after the other in an ascending scale. In Old Calabar 4 there are five 
classes. 

In the Purrah we are dealing with an exceedingly intricate complex, 
in which military and judicial functions are quite prominent. The 
age factor seems secondary and artificial. In the Egbo there is no 
age factor at all. In the Ruku-Ruku an age factor exists. Owing 

1 Schurtz, Altersklassen und Mannerbiinde, p. 386. 3 Ibid., p. 4.20. 

"■ Ibid., p. 410. * Ib ' d - P- 422. 



204 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to the social value of the Ruku-Ruku, all individuals seem to be 
potential members at birth. At the same time, the oldest members 
always have specific functions to perform. In this way two groups 
are formed. Those who do not belong to these two groups belong 
to the third group. All that can be said here is, that a society has 
utilized a rough age factor for specific purposes. That in reality 
the entire tribe is divided into three divisions, is due to the fact that 
all the members of the tribe are members of the society. This is 
therefore not a phenomenon that has any general significance in the 
evolution of society, but is purely and simply a phenomenon of certain 
secret societies. The threefold division is not due to a persistence 
of a former threefold division of the tribe, but grew out of the needs 
of a specific society. The same remarks hold for the twofold division 
of members in the Purrah. Similarly the four and eight degrees 
found among the Ojibwa Midewiwin are due to a development within 
the society. To-day practically all the members of the tribe belong 
to the Midewiwin, and the tribe may be said to be divided into four 
divisions. (However, in this case the main element, that of the 
association of a certain age with a certain degree, does not exist, 
because there is no fixed age at which a man buys admission into the 
higher degrees.) 

It will consequently be necessary to determine the significance of 
degrees in each particular case before any general significance can 
be attached to them. 

3. Exclusion of Women. — The admission of women into a society is, 
according to Schurtz, a secondary feature. This followed directly 
from his negative position with regard to women's Geselligkeitstrieb, 
and from his assumption that societies were merely transformed 
men's associations, which in turn were transformed age groups. The 
question of the Geselligkeitstrieb of women hardly lends itself to any 
accurate discussion, as, generally speaking, women have not been sur- 
rounded by those conditions which played an important part in develop- 
ing that trait among men. In our own civilization, where men and 
women are to a certain extent subjected to the same conditions, a 
large number of women societies has developed, and large numbers of 
women have been admitted into men's societies. Among us, this 
admission of women is due to the fact that they are now in the same 
industries that men are. However, there are manifold factors which 
can and do bring about the admission of women into men's societies 
or their exclusion therefrom. The nature of some societies may exclude 
men, just as it may exclude women. A soldiers' society will exclude 
women, because women are not soldiers. Similarly a sewing society 
will probably exclude men. The exclusion of women will therefore 
depend upon the specific functions of a society; but the right of 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 205 

women to participate in certain activities will again depend upon the 
manner in which each specific culture area separated the spheres of 
action of men and women. 

The possibility of infinite variation must force upon us the conclusion 
that we can only begin to investigate the reasons for the exclusion 
or admittance of women when we have a clear understanding of the 
ideas each tribe possesses with regard to the specific functions of the 
men and women. This determination is in a large number of cases 
utterly impossible, because we are in no position to know whether 
the reasons now given are historically the true ones. If, for instance, 
in a men's college fraternity women are debarred on the ground that 
the fraternity is interested in fencing, card-playing, etc., which are 
occupations of men, historically this is not the true reason. Ori- 
ginally fraternities were merely social gatherings of individuals who 
attended a college. There were no women students to admit. To- 
day, when women attend the colleges, wherever new fraternities arise, 
women are admitted. It is thus apparent, that, in the absence of his- 
torical evidence, we must be extremely careful in interpreting the 
reason for this exclusion. 

In Melanesia, for example, women are entirely excluded from the 
societies. However, in Melanesia, societies are associated with a multi- 
tude of religious and social functions in which women are not per- 
mitted to participate. In other words, the Melanesians draw the line 
of demarcation between the activities of men and women along 
these lines. If, for instance, in the New Hebrides, women have nothing 
to do with the funeral and mortuary rites, and a secret society is inti- 
mately connected with such rites, then we ought not to be surprised 
that women are not admitted into the society. It seems to me, there- 
fore, that we should make much better progress in our study of this 
phenomenon in Melanesia and in Polynesia, if we were first to exam- 
ine whether either the conceptions of the tribe, or the nature of the 
specific society, or the cultural elements with which it was associated, 
debarred women from membership. 

A few examples from Africa will emphasize this point even more 
forcibly, and at the same time indicate along what lines the respective 
spheres of men's and women's actions are drawn there. In the Purrah 
Society, women are excluded. The society has general war and judicial 
functions which do not come within the domain of women, accord- 
ing to the ideas of the tribe. In the Attonga Society l of Senegambia, 
only women are admitted, and the society is associated with mortuary 
rites. In the Dschengu we have another women society connected 
here with the cult of some water deity. 2 In the region around the 

1 Schurtz, Altersklassen und Mannerbunde, p. 416. 

2 Ibid., p. 426. 



206 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

mouth of the Ogowe there are a number of powerful women societies 
associated with various elements. 1 

If we now proceed to Schurtz's contention, that women societies 
are merely imitations of men's societies, we shall see that, as a general 
statement, this is as unjustified as is his interpretation that the admis- 
sion of women into societies is a secondary feature. That it is true 
in a number of cases, is unquestioned. However, when, as in Africa, 
we see a very strong tendency for the formation of societies, and see 
at the same time a very large number of women societies, it seems 
far more justifiable to assume that the women societies are formed 
in response to the same tendencies as those of men. To judge from 
parallels in other parts of the world, it is extremely likely that women 
will form societies wherever men show a strong tendency to do so. 
A number of factors may, however, interfere with a development of 
such societies. For instance, it is quite plausible that where, as 
among the Melanesians, a strong society-forming tendency existed, 
and women did not participate in it, some strong reason existed which 
might perhaps be ascribed to the fact that women do not there par- 
ticipate in those rites that are almost universally associated with 
societies. 

In North America there are numerous examples of women belonging 
to men's societies. A cursory examination will bring out what were 
the possible factors at work there. In the Objibwa-Menominee Mide- 
wiwin, women are admitted. Now, in the Ojibwa-Menominee culture, 
women may become shamans as well as men, and the society based 
on shamans will naturally include both sexes. If there are fewer 
women than men, this is because fewer women become shamans. In 
the Winnebago Medicine Dance, wealth and certain requirements 
possessed by both men and women are the only essentials for admis- 
sion; and both sexes can accordingly become members. In the pres- 
ent Sore-Eye Dance, women are admitted. Formerly the same 
society, known as the Night Dance, excluded women. The reason 
is very simple. Formerly, supernatural communication with the 
night spirits was essential for membership, and owing to the 
specific associations attached to these night spirits, women never 
obtained visions from them. When subsequently it was no more 
essential to have had a vision, and membership could be purchased by 
any one, women were admitted. Among the Blackfoot, women are 
part members of the religious society, because, according to Blackfoot 
ideas of property, the former have a part in the medicine-bundle of 
the man. The possession of the medicine-bundle is necessary for ad- 
mission into the society. 2 It is thus apparent that the explanation for 
the exclusion of women from a society must lie in a large number of 

1 Schurtz, Altersklassen und Mannerbiinde, p. 429. 

2 Oral communication of Dr. Wissler. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 207 

factors, not the least important of which is the nature of the specific 
ideas of property and the respective spheres of activity of nun and 
women. 

4. Functions of the Society. — Our analysis of the five ceremonies has 
clearly established the differences in the functions of the societies. 
To Schurtz these differences were due to developments from one- his- 
torically primary function. His line of argument is a direct conse- 
quence of his assumption that secret societies have developed from 
the men's associations. 

If we glance at the West African, the Melanesian, the Polynesian, 
North American, and our own societies, we see that their functions 
are legion. Now, it can be demonstrated that where the whole or a 
large part of the tribe is included in a society, that society will possess 
many of the functions of the tribe, because individuals are primarily 
carriers of their culture, and secondarily members of a society; or, 
it might be better said that these two functions of an individual are 
so inextricably connected that they cannot be thought of apart. It 
can also be demonstrated that specific societies have associated with 
them a variety of functions. In each case we are dealing with the 
same phenomenon. The number of possible combinations is prac- 
tically infinite. It is, however, a suggestive fact that certain functions 
of a society are distributed over large areas. In Melanesia, for in- 
stance, the most constant functions of societies seem to be those con- 
nected with mortuary rites and ancestor worship. In Africa, again, 
they are primarily judicial and administrative. In the case of our 
five North American ceremonies, they are religious and magical. For 
the latter our explanation lay in assuming that we were dealing there 
with a common cultural background. The same explanation holds 
true for Melanesia and Africa. In other words, societies, like all 
other social units in which an individual takes part, must necessarily 
associate themselves with the cultural background in which they are set. 

5. Conclusion. — The study w r e have undertaken can only indi- 
rectly be considered an examination of Schurtz's theories. What we 
have attempted is the analysis of a number of ceremonies, in order to 
discover what tendencies were operative in their growth. These exam- 
ples, combined with others taken from the South Seas and Africa, 
have demonstrated clearly that there exist in the world certain gen- 
eral ideas that may associate themselves with any type of social and 
ceremonial organization. Ceremonies in origin historically distinct 
may thus come to possess general and often specific resemblances. It 
is consequently of extreme importance, in any scheme of social recon- 
struction, to determine first whether the common elements in the 
ethnological data compared are not due to such a convergent evolu- 
tion. 



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